Colonial enslavement of the ‘modern’ Indian mind – J. Sai Deepak

Supreme Court Judges

J. Sai DeepakThe typical “modern” Indian mind still seeks validation on benchmarks set by the erstwhile colonial master, which it has internalized so deep within its consciousness that it has come to accept them as not just the normal but also the ideal. – J. Sai Deepak

As the Republic of Bharat, the successor civilization State of Bharatavarsha, celebrates its 73rd Independence Day, the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India is hearing arguments in the Shri Ramjanmabhoomi case almost on a day-to-day basis. Judgements in the Shri Padmanabhaswamy Temple case and in the review petitions in the Shri Sabarimala Ayyappa Temple case are yet to be pronounced.

This is apart from the fact that the Shri Jagannath Temple of Puri also finds itself before the Supreme Court, whereas for some reason arguments are yet to commence in the writ petition filed by the late Shri Swami Dayananda Saraswathi challenging the temple control legislations of Tamil Nadu, Puducherry, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana which give “secular” state governments overarching and unbridled control over temples and temples alone. Add to this the fact that there exists this mind-bogglingly discriminatory and patently absurd legislation ironically titled The Places of Worship (Special provisions) Act, 1991, which prevents the victims of medieval barbaric invasions from reclaiming their places of worship and heritage, one has to wonder, how did things come to such a pass after the Indic civilization survived repeated attempts over a millennium to wipe out its existence and memory? 

The colonial mind of ‘modern’ Indians

Perhaps, there is no one answer to this question. But it would be fair to assume that despite having overthrown the overt foreign yoke in 1947, the yet-to-be-decolonized Indian mind is significantly responsible for the state of affairs, which is the assessment of several scholars of Indic origin as well as Indic-minded scholars of foreign origin. The typical “modern” Indian mind still seeks validation on benchmarks set by the erstwhile colonial master, which it has internalized so deep within its consciousness that it has come to accept them as not just the normal but also the ideal. So much so, that to this incorrigibly colonized mind, every strain of Indic thought is boorish, superstitious, casteist, misogynist, elitist and unscientific, each of which is an irrebuttable presumption.

In other words, neither facts nor logic can overcome these presumptions of the enslaved mind, which is why the “modern, secular and scientific” Indian mind has cut out for itself the noble task of civilizing the native. Of course, the qualifier is that this intervention is reserved exclusively for adherents of Indic faith systems. Everyone else is immune and exempt from this noble venture since (a) either they don’t need it or (b) such intervention cannot be fit in the curious definition of secularism that this enslaved mind has fashioned for itself. 

It is this enslaved mind’s need to identify itself as a “constitutional patriot” because it sees nothing of value before the coming into existence of the Constitution, and therefore, the only way forward, according to it, is to ruthlessly sever all ties with the Indic past, and if possible, re-interpret or even invent the past through its colonized civilizing lens. Nothing would warm the cockles of this mind more than performing the act of severance with the Indic past in halal-compliant fashion, for it crinkles its nose at the very mention of jhatka. How is this long-winded farrago (courtesy Shashi Tharoor pronounced with an accent) relevant to the introduction of the piece? Let us discuss.

The legal system’s approach to ‘civilise the natives’

Well, of all Indian institutions, the Indian legal system’s approach and attitude to Indic thoughts, traditions and institutions, in fact to the Indic way of life itself, is that of a colonized mind with a penchant for “reform”, which is the politically correct term for a patronizing intervention to civilize the native, and which is clearly a never-ending exercise. Almost every aspect of the Indic way of life, right from marriage to succession to religious traditions and even festivals, has come under the scanner of this uber-reformist exercise, more often than not without understanding the Indic perspective, but on occasion rightly so without a doubt. After all, even a broken clock is right twice a day. 

One school of thought traces the problem of the colonized Indian legal system right to the Constitution. To be honest, I am not sure if this diagnosis is correct. That does not mean that I am sure the diagnosis is incorrect. I am genuinely undecided. That said, if I was forced to take a position, I would have to say that I am of the tentative and inconclusive view that the problem is largely attributable to the training imparted to those who interpret and enforce the Constitution and in general the laws of the country.

The early foundations of ignorance

In your formative years, when you still have oodles of idealism and a streak of rebellion, if you are taught as part of legal education or otherwise that logic, reason, democratic values, free speech, fundamental rights, equality, the concept of rule of law, gender equality, the value of individual freedom, secularism, truth and justice are all foreign imports, and there is no attempt on the part of the curriculum to even explore or encourage exploration of the contribution of Indic thought to these areas, you naturally assume that this civilization has had nothing of value to contribute on these fronts. 

This coupled with the unadulterated venom that is spewed against the Indic way of life through history and political science curricula in schools, colleges and law schools, which are invariably taught by individuals of Marxist persuasion, with no room for ideological diversity even for appearances sake, one should not be surprised when every Indic institution finds itself in the dock forced to prove its worth on alien anvils to an audience which starts with the presumption that you are unworthy of protection and existence, until proven otherwise, which is almost always never. Clearly, no repealment of any existing legislation alone is going to undo the incalculable but hopefully not irreparable harm that a brazenly colonial approach to legal education and law has caused to the Indic society, its worldview and its way of life.

The solution

What, then, is the solution? A complete and simultaneous overhaul of history, political science and legal curricula, regardless of the tsunami of backlash it is bound to elicit from well-entrenched individuals and institutions of Marxist persuasion, who have come to view these domains as their fiefdoms, and which are out of bounds for anyone with a different ideological proclivity, so much for their professed love of dissent, diversity and free thought. Disappointingly, the draft National Education Policy 2019 is woefully inadequate in its analysis/diagnosis of and a prescription for legal education, which is limited to a single paragraph, despite the fact that law is all-pervasive and impacts every sphere of life, and so does the Supreme Court.

Will the Centre show the boldness and preparation it has on Article 370, in revamping legal education and allied subjects to do justice to the Indic civilization’s profound and universalist contribution to truth and justice, which is the essence of Dharma? – OpIndia, 15 August 2019

› J. Sai Deepak is an engineer turned lawyer. He is an arguing counsel in the Supreme Court of India and Delhi High Court. 

Supreme Court of India


Kashmir: Left and liberals support the caste, gender and sexual apartheid that Article 370 enabled – A.P. Singh

Narendra Modi & Amit Shah

Abhinav Prakash SinghThe language of liberals and the left today is no different from the propaganda of the ISI or Jihadi groups. The same people who see dangerous fanatics and terrorists in Dalits and the subaltern doing Kanwar yatra see “freedom fighters” in crowds carrying AK-47s and flying ISIS and Jaish-e-Mohammad flags. – Abhinav Prakash Singh

The instrument of accession of the Kingdom of Jammu & Kashmir was the same as the instrument of accession signed by other princely states, which had no provision like Article 370 or promise of plebiscite. Nor was there any promise by the government of India or the parliament to conduct any plebiscite. The accession of Jammu & Kashmir to India was final and irrevocable. The UN resolution, from which the demand for the plebiscite comes, also asked Pakistan to remove its armies from PoK (Pakistan occupied Kashmir) and hand it over to India.

Instead, Pakistan separated the Northern areas—that is, Gilgit & Baltistan—and annexed this. It changed the demography of Kashmir by settling Punjabis and Afghans there and by doing ethnic cleansing of the local Shias in Gilgit-Baltistan. The demography in the Valley has also changed with the ethnic cleansing of Hindus by Islamist separatists.

That renders any argument for plebiscite null and void.

The repeated reference to the “Kashmiri opinion” is also problematic. For all these years, this hegemonic Kashmiri identity was built and nurtured to privilege the Sunni male population of a few districts of south and central Kashmir over the multitude of the people who lived in Jammu & Kashmir.

Gorkhas, Sikhs, Dogras, Dalits, Tribals, Buddhists and Shias cannot be seen in this clamour of the “Kashmiri wish”—it is a majoritarian, communal vantage point that the supporters of Article 370 have adopted. Due to Article 370, thousands of Hindu and Sikhs refugees of the Partition era were denied voting rights and residency rights while Muslim refugees from Tibet and Xinjiang of the 1950s were granted citizenship.

Due to Article 370, Dalits were still forced to clean the drains because they were denied any government jobs, irrespective of qualifications. The denial of property rights meant they couldn’t do anything else. They still couldn’t buy land or settle in the cities while illegal immigrants, like Rohingyas, could. Due to Article 370, LGBTQ could still be thrown into jails as the historic judgement of the Supreme Court didn’t extend to the state.

Lakhs of Gorkhas were reduced to non-entities due to the racism legitimised by Article 370. The Ladakhi people were left to suffer racist discrimination—their culture and language were suppressed due to Article 370. There were no minority rights in the state due to Article 370, nor did any social justice policies—like reservations—extend to the state of Jammu & Kashmir.

Those who support Article 370 stand for such oppression and injustices.

The same people who supported the settling of illegal Bangladeshis in Assam and tribal areas of the North-East are arguing for protecting the “unique culture and demography” of Kashmir.

What’s so special about Kashmir?

And pray, which region of India is not unique and has not had distinct cultural traditions? Gujarat, Malwa, Awadh, Haryana, Bihar, Goa, Kerala are all unique—have they ceased to exist after joining India?

The Republic of India has no precedent of changing the demography of any region, despite insurgency or separatist demands. What’s being done in the case of Kashmir is plain scaremongering to provoke the local population. And the language of the liberals and the left today is no longer different from the propaganda of the ISI or Jihadi groups. The same people who see dangerous fanatics and terrorists in Dalits and the subaltern doing Kanwar yatra see “freedom fighters” in crowds carrying AK-47s and flying ISIS and Jaish-e-Mohammad flags.

Another false argument is, why do states in the north-east have special provisions but Muslim-majority Kashmir can’t have this? Well, because those places are tribal belts and Jammu & Kashmir isn’t. One can’t treat them as the same. Also, in the case of the north-eastern states, those provisions were granted to negotiate peace and the end of separatism—and they succeeded, unlike Kashmir. Finally, those are special provisions in the Constitution—while Article 370 was a temporary provision.

Despite what the propaganda says, one can buy property in hilly states like Himachal Pradesh. There are some restrictions on the purchase of agricultural land though—and certainly, women in these states don’t lose full property rights if they chose to marry outside the state.

Of late, a new argument has also been conjured up that Article 370 enabled land reforms. Well, land reforms happened in several states, most notably, in Kerala and Bengal. Did those states require Article 370?

The communal argument to advocate special status of “Muslim Kashmir” is dangerous.

If the Constitution of India holds for 200 million Muslims in the rest of India, then it must hold for 6 million Muslims in Kashmir—unless erstwhile “constitutional patriots” now stand against the Constitution itself. – Daily-O, 12 August 2019

Abhinav Prakash Singh is an Assistant Professor at Delhi University.

Dalit Protest


India’s Berlin Wall moment in Jammu and Kashmir – Punarvasu Parekh

Amit Shah & Narendra Modi

Indian nationalist forces have joined battle with Islamic separatism and jihadi terrorism in Kashmir to reclaim a place dominated by them. Apart from muscle, the BJP government will need tact, firmness and patience to succeed. –  Punarvasu Parekh

5 August 2019 will be etched in history. The abolition of the special status of the Jammu & Kashmir and its bifurcation into two union territories (Jammu & Kashmir with a legislature and Ladakh without one) is India’s Berlin Wall moment. As with Babri mosque demolition, the country will not be the same again. Unmistakably, the centre’s action has generated a tremendous groundswell of support among people across all barriers.

The paradise on Earth was maliciously kept apart from the rest of the country for decades. Now two bravehearts have struck at the root of separatism, discrimination, corruption, jihadi terrorism and outright treason by emasculating Article 370 and removing Article 35-A. The formidable Modi-Shah duo moved ahead with courage of a lion and cunning of a fox, undaunted by legal hurdles, political risk, hostile reactions from neighbours and likely international criticism. With this single act, they have secured a lasting place in history for themselves.

Article 370 and its illegitimate child 35-A had been controversial right from inception. It faced stiff resistance even from Congress members in the Constituent Assembly and would not have been passed if Sardar Patel had not thrown his weight behind it in spite of his own better judgment.

The special status of the troubled state was defended on the grounds that it has a unique demography, is coveted by a hostile neighbor, is partly under foreign occupation and has been the subject of four wars. These are, in fact, reasons for giving it less autonomy, not more. In any other country, such a province would merit extra strong union with the rest of the country, if not permanent central rule.

As expected, Article 370 became a cover for separatism, corruption, misrule and discrimination. The tenuous nature of its link with the rest of the country created a strong vested interest in keeping the pot boiling. Thanks to it, thousands of refugees from west Pakistan have been living in the state for decades without any rights; women and weaker sections are denied the benefits they enjoy elsewhere in the country. The fork-tongued leaders from valley have blackmailed New Delhi on the one hand and misled and worked up local populace on the other, while plundering the state with both hands. These leaders glibly talk about Kashmiriyat but are mum on the plight of the Kashmiri Pandits. They have suppressed the minority voices from Jammu and Ladakh, while projecting Sunni separatists as the sole voice of people of the state. They have siphoned away billions upon billions of rupees poured by the central government into the state, kept the state underdeveloped and backward and pained India as an occupying force before the world.

This is how the Abdullahs, Muftis and Lones have been serving the people of the state for generations. Their livelihood is now all but gone. They are facing not-so-polite queries from income tax, enforcement directorate and national investigative agency for corruption and money laundering. No wonder they are rattled no end at the audacity of kaffirs (‘banias’) from Delhi.

Like the Babri demolition, this development has exposed parties, leaders and opinion makers. Equivocation is not an option. By and large, parties and groups with a divisive, separatist, anti-national agenda have opposed it. Thus the Leftists managed to take out a rally against it. DMK opposed it. Sponsors and supporters of the “tukde tukde gang” are describing it as a dangerous blunder. Some of them have warned of a Palestine or Bangladesh in the making. The sly viciousness with which they have condemned the new initiative shows that the internal enemies are unlikely to concede defeat easily.

On the other hand, it is telling that small regional parties (BSP, BJD, AIADMK, YSRCP) recognized the popular mood and decided to go with the tide. It is equally telling that Congress was split in public down the middle on the issue, even after the Gandhi family had made known its views.

The Congress has emerged as a loser on all counts. The Gandhi family has once again failed to sense the changing realities. Blinded by its hatred for Narendra Modi and anything that may benefit him in any manner, the family took an adversarial position, as it did on the surgical strike and Balakot bombing. It did not realise that its empty posturing isolated it from the popular mood. Many leaders in the party, however, were too uncomfortable to put up with it. For the first time in fifty years, we saw public voicing of genuine differences of opinion in the party. Where it will lead remains to be seen.

Some well-meaning critics have said that wide-ranging prior consultation with local parties and people on such a momentous decision would have been desirable. Such a criticism, however, overlooks the fact that central government has in the past made several attempts to carry out such a dialogue. Even the Modi government appointed a former IB chief Dineshwar Sharma for the purpose. These efforts have sunk without a ripple because those who pose as popular leaders of the state are either on Pakistan’s payroll or driven by a dream to rule the state as their own fiefdom. They are too happy with the status quo to alter it. The political structure so far did not permit a direct dialogue with the ordinary people of the state over the heads of its self-styled leaders. This is the impasse that Modi government has sought to break with its bold move.

In spite of the strong and widespread support for the action in the rest of the country as also in Jammu and Ladakh, the road ahead is strewn with thorns. Three types of challenges will be mounted to discredit, derail and thwart the new initiative.

First, Pakistan is visibly upset, and for good reason. India may now refuse to discuss J&K with Pakistan except in respect of PoK. Pakistan has downgraded diplomatic relations with India, suspended trade, discontinued rail links and closed its airspace for India’s civilian flights. These actions hurt it more than India, but that is beside the point. They are intended to draw the world’s attention. Imran Khan has warned of another Pulwama-like terror strike and India’s likely hawkish response leading to a high-intensity conventional war.

Pakistan is trying to create the impression of a high-tension confrontation between two nuclear neighbours in a desperate bid to scare Washington and other western capitals to lean on India on Kashmir. The gambit is not likely to succeed. The UNO has flatly rejected Pakistan’s plea to intervene. The US and other countries know better than to be taken in by Pakistan’s self-serving saber rattling. In any case, India is now too strong economically and militarily to be pushed around by other powers.

Secondly, the procedure adopted to change the constitutional status of J&K is open to legal challenge. Modi government has shown exceptional dexterity in using Article 370 itself to nullify the special status of J&K. But the invention of transferring powers of the (long abolished) constituent assembly of J&K first to the state assembly and then to the governor appears to have a grey area in purely technical terms.

However, the article itself was mala fide and deserved little sympathy. Though explicitly designated as temporary, it was so designed as to make it a permanent fixture of the statute book. Then there are numerous precedents of its being amended through a presidential order. Finally, the courts may decline to take a purely legalistic view and weigh the consequences of its ruling on national integration, governance in the state and the spirit of the constitution.

The toughest challenge, however, will be domestic and political. Driven to the wall, the local politicians will incite the locals in valley “to fight till the very end to regain their lost dignity and autonomy”. The centre’s move will be portrayed as a frontal assault on the distinct identity of the state and its people, and as an overt bid to conquer and subjugate them. The central government will no doubt counter it with its narrative of peace, progress, stability and emotional integration with the rest of the country. The real challenge will be to isolate trouble makers for harsh treatment and reach out to ordinary people yearning for a life of peace, dignity and freedom. It will be a fierce battle for hearts and minds of the people.

This battle cannot be fought by the central government alone. Every patriotic Indian has to join it. The government’s plan to hold an investors summit in the state is unexceptionable. Besides tourism and hotels, the state offers great scope for food processing, handicrafts, drugs and pharmaceuticals, dairy and renewable energy. However, it lacks infrastructure and skilled workers. It has few natural resources and the land acquisition act has made buying land for industry extremely difficult. Industrialists may be keen to move in; but they would like to wait until the security situation stabilizes.

It may be a long wait. There is a vast trust deficit between other Indians and Kashmiri Muslims, who are largely viewed as ungrateful stone pelters and separatists hoisting Pakistani-ISIS flags while chanting anti-India slogans. On their parts, minds of Kashmiri Muslims have been poisoned for decades against their country. Triumphalism of any sort will be self-defeating, just as pusillanimity will be.

Nationalist forces have joined battle with Islamic separatism and jihadi terrorism to reclaim a place dominated by them. Apart from muscle, they will need tact, firmness and patience to succeed.

Punarvasu Parekh is an independent columnist in Mumbai.

Lal Chowk, Srinagar, Kashmir


Anti-conversion bill in the offing? – K. Bhattacharjee

Modi & Shah

OpIndiaSources have told Zee News that the BJP-led government may bring the anti-conversion bill in the next session of Parliament. – K. Bhattacharjee

The Modi government may bring forward a bill to prevent fraudulent religious conversions in the country, Zee News has reported. While the media outlet has quoted unnamed sources in their report, there is a precedent for such a law given the history of Prime Minister Modi and his right-hand man Home Minister Amit Shah.

During their time in Gujarat, as early as 2003, the duo managed to pass the Freedom of Religion Act through the Assembly. The objective of the Act is “to provide for freedom of religion by the prohibition of conversion from one religion to another by the use of force or allurement or by fraudulent means and for the matters incidental thereto.”

The Act states clearly, “No person shall convert or attempt to convert, either directly or otherwise, any person from one religion to another by use of force or by allurement or by any fraudulent means nor shall any person abet such conversion.” It also mandates that anyone found to be in violation of this provision will be liable to a fine of Rs. 50,000 and imprisonment of up to 3 years.

If the said provision is violated with respect to a woman, minor or a person from the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe, then the punishment is more stringent. The person would be liable to a fine of Rs. 1 lakh and imprisonment of up to 4 years.

According to provisions of the Act, it was also made mandatory for people to seek permission for conversion from the District Magistrate. After the conversion has taken place, the District Magistrate needs to be informed of the same. Failure to do so without adequate reason carries punishment as well.

An amendment was proposed 3 years later which was withdrawn in 2008. The proposed amendment considered Jainism and Buddhism to be denominations of the Hindu faith in the same manner as Protestantism and Catholicism are sects of Christianity and Sunnis and Shias are Islamic sects. If the Assembly had passed the said amendment, then government permission would not have been required for conversion between denominations of the same faith.

Unsurprisingly, Christian missionaries weren’t very pleased with the implementation of the Act. Sajan George, President of the Bangalore-based Global Council of Indian Christians, told AsiaNews in 2007: “The Gujarat Government must withdraw this draconian freedom of religion act. This Bill—in its original form as it was passed on March 26, 2003—violates the constitutional rights of citizens and is very divisive in nature. Article 25 of the Constitution and Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, guarantee to every single individual the right to preach, propagate and practise one’s religion and to choose the religion of one’s conscience.”

In 2015, Archbishop of Gandhinagar Stanislaus Fernandes and others sought to challenge the Act as they wanted to challenge a rule which requires disclosure of “reason” for conversion. The petition challenged the Act on the basis of freedom of religion.

With India entering a phase of a de-facto one party state with the Bharatiya Janata Party at the helm, it appears extremely likely that a version of the Act will be implemented at the national level. The Zee News report appears to confirm that discussions are underway for the same.

It has been a longstanding demand of Hindus for the Indian state to curb the menace of Christian evangelism that threatens to destabilize the demography of the country. As is known, unstable demography is a recipe for chaos. In addition to Christian evangelism, if such an Act is passed at the national level, it could also help curb the menace of Love Jihad. The conversion of non-Muslim girls to Islam through fraudulent means will be considered criminal as well if the national Bill is in consonance with the Act engineered by the Modi-Shah duo in Gujarat.

The criminalization of Triple Talaq but more importantly, the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A, has demonstrated that the BJP is willing to upend the Nehruvian order. An anti-conversion bill along the lines of the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act will be another nail in the coffin for Nehruvian Secularism. – OpIndia, 10 August 2019

K. Bhattacharjee reports for OpIndia in New Delhi.

Anti-Conversion Bill


Andhra Pradesh: Christian chief minister favours Christians – Sudha Mohan Mylavarapu

Jaganmohan Reddy

PGURUSTime is running out fast for Hindus. If the conversion trend continues, similar to North-Eastern states there will not be any Hindus left in Andhra in coming years. The plight of Hindus in Kerala and Tamil Nadu is horrible. We have witnessed many attacks on Hindus and Hinduism in all these states. –  Sudha Mohan Mylavarapu

Andhra administration seems to be working hand in glove with Christian missionaries. Visakhapatnam’s police commissioner Rajiv Kumar Meena issued a memorandum to the city police to protect minority Christians and their churches from Hindu aggression. As per Vizag’s city police website, the commissioner took charge on 27th June 2019 and this memorandum was issued on 4th July 2019. Commissioner did not waste any time issuing the orders to protect the Christians. The person who requested protection seems to have close links with the Andhra Christian chief minister Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy.

All over Andhra, Hindus are under attack. Except in rare circumstances mostly aggressors and provokers are from so-called “minority” community. When Hindus retaliate in desperation,[1] Christians play the victim card and use the mighty power of the administration to muzzle the voice of Hindus. One such example is Shivaji, a Hindu activist from Shiva Shakti organisation was arrested In Kurnool, Andhra Pradesh. He was arrested for sending WhatsApp messages which are alerting Hindus from the lies peddled by other religions. After the arrest, Andhra police have declined to give answers to the public and booked him on charges related to WhatsApp messages. Police are also blocking and not answering phone calls. Is the Andhra administration following traditional Christian methods to oppress or discourage Hindu voices? Shiva Shakti Shivaji’s arrest in Kurnool is an indication of the attitude of the police. As per the above memorandum, this is likely to repeat in Visakhapatnam and other places in Andhra too.

In Andhra, during Y.S. Raja Sekhar Reddy’s rule, several evangelists tried to proselytize in some of the famous Hindu temples such as Tirumala. After protests from the Hindu society, the administration issued orders restricting evangelical activities near-certain temples.

There are many grey areas in this GO; there is no mention of how far a distance from the Hindu temples such evangelical activities are restricted and why only a few temples? Is this GO indirectly saying that the government is allowing the Christians to preach near the Hindu temples which are not mentioned in this list? Why not a blanket ban? Did the government punish the guilty Christians ever? May be government or the police don’t have the evidence. Social media is full of such evidences. In this video we can clearly see how these missionaries are trying to proselytize near a temple near Visakhapatnam.

Andhra was known to divert Hindu endowment funds to the government’s common good funds. Endowment department is making thousands of crores or rupees every year.[2][3] Despite having huge sums of money, many Hindu temples are in a very bad state. Many archakas are struggling to make a living.[4] On the other hand, the Christian preachers and Islamic mullahs are getting huge sums of money from abroad[5] via FCRA and FDI, and their communities are also paying them well (Dasama Bhagam, i.e. 1/10 th of their earnings are donated to church or mosque). Super secular Abrahamised Government is sucking all Hindu temple money and have not dared to touch Islamic and Christian funds.

As per the news on Telugu MSM, Andhra govt announced salaries to imams (Rs-10,000), pastors (Rs 5,000). It makes sense to pay salaries to archakas because the government is making huge sums of money from temples. One would wonder on what basis does the Christian ruler of Andhra gives state sponsored salaries to pastors and mullahs? There are many farmers committing suicide, the government has no love for these hard-working farmers! Where is the money coming from to pay these salaries? Is the government using Hindu temple money for their schemes? Is this for electoral gains? Or is Andhra chief minister openly supporting the aggressive racket to convert all Hindus? It is time all Hindus must demand separation of temples from the state’s clutches.

Andhra government came up with a scheme of appointing several hundred village volunteers.[6] It is being alleged that many of these appointees are Christians and also YSR party members. Their recruitment is in the final stages now. God only knows the real reason why these are appointed, maybe it is for converting Hindus at village level?

Christian missionaries are notorious in using the administrative power to convert the indigenous populations across the world. History filled with many instances and evidences to prove the destruction of indigenous cultures and religions. Christian missionaries use the money power or the administrative power for conversion. One such best living example is persecution of Canadian indigenous population.[7] By doing such heinous acts the Church grew to become the world’s strongest political institution under the garb of spirituality.

In British Raj, when East India company put restrictions on missionary work in India, missionaries used Sati propaganda to enter into India on the pretext to civilize barbaric Hindus.[8] The same missionaries turned a blind eye to the persecution of their women on the name of the witch hunt. Approximately 9 million women in Europe were murdered, with the support of the church.[9]

AP Temple Land Grab

From the past couple of hundred years, Christianity is spreading in India like water under the carpet. Officially India’s Christian population stays between 2-3%, unofficially it is approximately 20-30% of India’s population. In many states Hindus are minorities.

Historically Christians and Islamists are abusing Hindu goodwill. There are many evidences to prove their aggression. Above video is one best example of how Christians are violating Hindu hospitality. Doesn’t the constitution put reasonable restrictions on all fundamental rights? There are thousands of Hindu temples across India where Christians are openly trying to preach and convert Hindus by saying Hindus are devil worshippers.

As per the Constitution, every religion has the right to propagate, but there are restrictions to all fundamental rights. In the process of conversions Christians claim, “by doing idolatry a Hindu will go to hell and burn” and, they equate Hindu gods to demons. This is clear blasphemy. This blasphemy is happening on a large scale in Andhra and in India, but the authorities turn a blind eye. When Hindus confront these preachers with questions, then Christians use the power of administration to silence those who confronted the proselytization.

Time is running out fast for Hindus. If this trend continues, similar to North-Eastern states there will not be any Hindu left in Andhra in coming years. Hindus plight in Kerala and Tamil Nadu is horrible. Christianity is in control of these two states. We have all witnessed many attacks on Hinduism and Hindus in both these states. A good example is Sabarimala and how the communist government of Kerala was played by the church to destroy the holiness of Sabarimala.

The orders issued by the Andhra police is an indication of the Chief Minister’s Christians and Muslim appeasement mentality. He seemed to have forgotten that all Hindus voted him to power in good faith. The administration’s actions are very disappointing and unethical. They are trying to protect the aggressors and punishing the innocent who are struggling for existence from the oppressions. Hindus of Andhra must question this biased attitude of Andhra Government. If this does not change, by the end of the tenure of this government, about 50% of Andhra will slip into the spell of Christianity. – PGurus, 22 July 2019

AP Police Order



[2] Andhra Pradesh Temple Loot

[3] Hindu temple in India receives record one-day donations

[4] 1 lakh archaka families struggle for livelihood

[5] Govt bans foreign funding for 69 NGOs, 30 of them work for minorities

[6] Notification issued for village volunteers recruitment in AP

[7] Systemic oppression of Indigenous peoples is no reason for celebration

[8] The Sati Strategy: How Missionaries Used An Extinct Practice As A Rallying Point To Christianise India

[9] Witch Hunts and the Christian Mentality


Revoking Article 370 reconnects India to Kashmir and Shaivism – Swadesh Singh

Abhinavagupta (c. 950 – 1016 )

Swadesh SinghKashmir was where Abhinavagupta moored Indian philosophy in aesthetics, from where the conqueror Lalitaditya ruled an empire, where Shaiva philosophy came to flower, which was home to Sharda Peeth, the foremost temple university of the subcontinent, and where Adi Guru Shankaracharya attained enlightenment. – Dr Swadesh Singh

“India, that is Bharat, shall be the union of states,” says Article 1 of the Indian Constitution.

Yet, vested interests, historical blunders and political short-sightedness over a period led to a progressive hacking of the country’s synaptic connection with the state of Jammu and Kashmir.

The popular narrative in the Valley which has so far dominated the discourse has been that it is Article 370 of the Indian Constitution that connects Kashmir with India—but the reality is that it has, over the years, alienated India from Kashmir and Kashmir from India.

As Home Minister Amit Shah moved a resolution in the Rajya Sabha to make Article 370 inoperative in J&K, many called it a historic decision and yet many others felt it was merely a rectification of a historic blunder.

Semantics aside, this move has been overdue for 65 years.

It is this provision that has prevented the full implementation of the Indian Constitution in the state, allowing the existence instead of a separate set of laws and penal code for the state, preventing reservation provisions from being applied in jobs and education, preventing outsiders from getting education, finding jobs or owning property and deterring women from marrying non-Kashmiris.

It has been, in effect, a tool to insulate the state—and prevent its growth.

At a time when other states are vying with each other to attract investors, industries, create education hubs and promote business, the state of J&K seems to be standing in its lonely corner, unable to welcome development and frozen in time because of the presence of this inhibiting Constitutional provision.

It seems impossible today that this is the same part of India where Abhinavagupta moored Indian philosophy in aesthetics, from where the conqueror Lalitaditya ruled an empire, where Shaiva philosophy came to flower, which was home to Sharda Peeth, the foremost temple university of the subcontinent, and where Adi Guru Shankaracharya attained enlightenment.

In the past seven decades, this timeless relationship was reduced to a temporary provision of Article 370.

It is also surprising how convenient some find it to forget India’s ties to J&K, reducing the issue to a timeline of half a century. There is a lobby that has advocated a brand of pacifism when it comes to J&K—it is this approach that has led to the quagmire which the region finds itself in today.

The first blunder of this pacifist brand was made by former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru by taking the question of Kashmir’s status after Independence to the United Nations. But the list of wrongs done in J&K is rather long—Nehru made another major blunder by extending political shelter and protection to Sheikh Abdullah. Bringing in Article 35A by presidential order was yet another entry in this list of blunders.

For the BJP, J&K has not been a subject that meant land and borders—it has, in fact, been a far more emotive subject, symbolising the political and cultural unity of the subcontinent, its shared history, its lived narratives and its felt cultural connections. With the announcement of the abrogation of Article 370 and the bifurcation of the state, Shah has not only taken a step in the right direction but also moved to fulfill one of the long-standing objectives of his party.

National unity and integrity of India was one of the core principles for the foundation of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), the erstwhile avatar of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). At the very first convention of the Jana Sangh, a resolution was passed for the abolition of the permit system in J&K. The BJS founder Syama Prasad Mookerjee sacrificed his life for the full integration of J&K with India. “Ek desh mein do nishan, do pradhan, nahi chalega, nahi chalega” was the slogan with which he had marched to the state to defy prohibitory orders issued by Sheikh Abdullah.

Mookerjee later mysteriously died in a jail in Srinagar where he had been imprisoned.

The BJS and BJP passed many resolutions on this issue and raised it both inside as well as outside Parliament. Former BJP president Murli Manohar Joshi led an Ekata Yatra to Lal Chowk in Srinagar and hoisted the Tricolour there (January 26, 1992).

Not many know that this yatra was managed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself.

This was the period when J&K was under the dark clouds of terrorism—in 2011, stone-pelting again heralded an era of terror in different parts of Kashmir and the situation seemed to fast spiral out of control. At this time, the then-youth wing chief of the party, Anurag Thakur, who is now Minister of State in the Ministry of Finance, organised the Tiranga Yatra and entered J&K.

During his first tenure from 2014-19, Prime Minister Narendra Modi made several efforts to resolve the Kashmir problem.

It was towards this objective that the BJP formed a government in the state by taking along the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). However, this strategy did not work and the party exited the government.

The Central government, meanwhile, continued to work towards its goal by amending Article 370 to give more rights to SCs and STs in the state.

Since its inception, the BJP has been raising the issue of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. Given Modi’s track record of implementing difficult tasks and delivering on his promises, his government’s current move on J&K should come as no surprise. A section of the Delhi media, naysayers and intelligentsia have been unhappy over the secrecy and swiftness with which the government executed the move—they see it as another expression of the bossy and hot-headed approach of the government.

But the fact remains that the government used this route only after exploring other political options in the state. Given the sensitive nature of the issue of Article 370, it seems to have been a wise decision to keep it under wraps. The government’s prime answerability is to the people and the place to do that is Parliament where the proposal was rightly tabled.

With no elections around and no points to score, it would be a folly to analyse this in terms of political dividends.

What has transpired now should seen for what it is—another example of assertive nationalism and Constitutional governance—and what it is aimed at—benefiting the people of J&K by making them full citizens of India and investing India fully in their future.

India has reclaimed its umbilical ties with Jammu and Kashmir. – Daily-O, 6 August 2019

Dr Swadesh Singh is Assistant Professor, Political Science, Delhi University.

Narendra Modi & Murli Manohar Joshi, Srinagar, Jan. 26, 1992.


A new dawn for Jammu and Kashmir – Minhaz Merchant

Amit Shah with Satya Pal Malik (June 2019)

Minhaz MerchantWith great finesse, the government hasn’t technically revoked Article 370 in the Constitution—but used Section 3 in it to effectively nullify it. The revocation will therefore not need a Constitutional amendment. – Minhaz Merchant

The historic revocation by Presidential order of Article 370—which gave Jammu & Kashmir special status and laws—has three significant implications.

First, it will open Jammu and Kashmir to economic development. All restrictions applying to Indians outside the state are null and void—they can now settle in J&K, buy land in J&K, invest in J&K and make J&K a normal part of the Indian Union.

J&K will no longer be a state but a union territory. Ladakh will be a separate union territory with no legislature.

Second, the feudal families of the new union territory of J&K will have their power severely curtailed. Corruption should now reduce as the new union territory will be open to new influences—financial, social and cultural—from the rest of India.

Third, terrorism from Pakistan will spike in the immediate future as the reality of the new status of J&K sinks in—but it will also gradually diminish. The Hurriyat separatists will be marginalised. With Indian security forces strengthened in J&K, terrorists can now be fought without one hand tied behind their back by the Valley’s separatists and feudal dynasts. Their tacit but malignant support to stone-pelters and local terror modules helped the insurgency that bled J&K for decades.

With great finesse, the government hasn’t technically revoked Article 370 in the Constitution—but used Section 3 in it to effectively nullify it. The revocation will therefore not need a Constitutional amendment.

This is what Section 3 of Article 370 says: “Notwithstanding anything in the foregoing provisions of this article, the President may, by public notification, declare that this article shall cease to be operative or shall be operative only with such exceptions and modifications and from such date as he may specify: Provided that the recommendation of the Constituent Assembly of the State referred to in clause (2) shall be necessary before the President issues such a notification.”

With the state currently under President’s Rule, the last provision of Section 3 becomes infructuous.

In one stroke, this has eliminated J&K’s discriminatory laws on minorities, gender equality, land rights and other provisions that have landlocked the Valley for decades. In their place, the laws of India that give reservations to Muslims, Dalits and others will now apply here too.

How will the Opposition react?

How, more importantly, will the people of J&K take their state’s conversion into a union territory?

Significantly, Mayawati’s BSP and Arvind Kejriwal’s AAP—implacable opponents of the BJP—have supported the government’s move. So have Naveen Patnaik’s BJD, Jagan Mohan Reddy’s YSRCP and KCR’s TRS, though Nitish Kumar’s JD (U), typically, has demurred.

The people of Jammu, long discriminated against by the majoritarianism of the Valley and its gradual Wahhabism, are delighted. The people of the Kashmir Valley though will have to deal with more complex emotions.

The Valley has been kept in a silo of deprivation by its feudal ruling classes. Two families—the Abdullahs for three generations and the Muftis for two generations—have created an ecosystem where the people they profess to serve live in shambolic conditions while they themselves amass wealth.

The Hurriyat separatists, with whom the feudal lords share a wink-and-nudge relationship, have helped create a state of paranoia in a people historically governed by a Sufi culture, now polluted by radicalism.

It will take time for the wounds to heal.

But Kashmiris will soon see the advantages of being integrated into India’s $3 trillion economy. New jobs will be created. Wipro, for example, will set up IT R&D centres in Srinagar as it has done in the rest of India. Pharma companies, including multinationals, will be keen to establish projects in the new union territory of J&K.

Kashmiris will no longer live in the penumbra of India, with only a few escaping to the IAS, IPL cricket teams and top universities across India.

They will now have unlimited economic opportunities.

Why is the Congress so upset about what is a new dawn for the people of Jammu & Kashmir?

Do they have greater sympathies for the feudal families of the Valley—whose power and pelf will now melt—than the ordinary people of J&K who have been denied a normal life for 70 years?

Since Pakistan’s terror agenda in the Valley began in 1989, Kashmiris have lost even the simple pleasures of life: there no longer are cinema halls in Srinagar; music has been silenced; stone-pelters are paid by the hour by the Hurriyat, acting at the behest of the Pakistani ISI.

How will Pakistan react?

With hostility.

Its spy agency ISI—which has moles across India—probably got wind of what was coming, without knowing the details, hence the recent spike in LoC violations. However, Prime Minister Imran Khan’s strategy to internationalise the Kashmir issue with his repeated pleadings to US President Donald Trump will now be short-circuited.

Why are Kashmir’s dynasts so worried?

Farook Abdullah faces charges of embezzlement during his stewardship of the J&K Cricket Board. The Enforcement Directorate (ED) questioned him for five hours last week reportedly on large-scale corruption in the J&K Cricket Board.

As recent investigations have shown, J&K Bank has long been used as a conduit by the Valley’s politicians to feather their nests. PDP leader Mehbooba Mufti is being probed for an alleged role in J&K Bank’s irregularities with the state’s Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) issuing her a notice on August 3.

Corruption has for decades ruined governance in J&K. The National Investigation Agency’s probe into the Hurriyat’s unaccounted wealth has consigned much of the separatist leadership to jail or house arrest. The move has had a sobering effect. Mirwaiz Umar Farooq’s call for azadi during Friday prayers has been silenced.

For decades, J&K’s feudal dynasts have presided over an ecosystem of corruption, nepotism and sectarianism. The Hurriyat separatists and Pakistan played along, using violence and intimidation to keep the Kashmiri people in sullen isolation.

Where does all this leave the J&K Assembly elections due at the end of the year?

There will now only be a chief minister with limited power. The age of feudal overlords in J&K is over. True democracy has finally arrived.

Babasaheb Ambedkar, who opposed Article 370 in 1950 but, under pressure from Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah, reluctantly agreed to incorporate it, provided it was “temporary and transient”, would be the happiest man were he with us today. – Daily-O, 5 August 2019

› Minhaz Merchant is the biographer of Rajiv Gandhi and Aditya Birla. He is a media group chairman and editor, and author of The New Clash of Civilizations.

J&K Union Territory
J&K and Ladakh Union Territories