China never enjoyed military or cultural supremacy in Asia – Kanwal Sibal

Leshan Giant Buddha

Kanwal SibalIndian civilization owes nothing to China, whereas China is heavily marked by the influence of Indian civilization through Buddhism. … There is no imprint or legacy of Han China in India. – Kanwal Sibal

The West has built a lot of myths about China which others, including in India, have accepted without challenge. That China was for centuries the dominant power in Asia and is now on the way to recovering that lost status is one such myth. This historical distortion is serving to legitimize China’s hegemonic ambitions, as if China has the right to recover its natural position in Asia and any resistance amounts to denying the Chinese their due. This explains why even when China is aggressive and expansionist, it gets away by projecting itself as a victim of encroachment on its rights by others.

The question is never asked as to how China dominated India, the second largest Asian country that has always been comparable in terms of the depth of civilization, demography as well as geography. Did China ever dominate India politically, economically, militarily or otherwise? If this was never the case, how was China the dominant power in Asia? India is as much a part of Asia as China, although even now in Western circles, “Asian” in popular parlance excludes those from the Indian subcontinent and refers only to countries east of India.

In the Western mind—and this has influenced its economic and military perspectives—Asia stretches from Japan to Myanmar, as a conflation is made between Asia and people with Mongoloid features. The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, set up in 1989, claimed to represent Asia but India was excluded. The Asia-Europe Meeting, set up in 1996, also excluded India, until it became a member in 2008, even though India is the second largest country of Asia. Such a definition of Asia that excludes India naturally gives China a pre-eminent position in it. An additional factor is India’s colonization by the British that diminished India’s historical standing and benefited China in terms of attention and research. China has also gained in stature vis-à-vis India because it was not fully colonized, remained mysterious and relatively inaccessible.

In reality, the Indian civilization owes nothing to China, whereas China is heavily marked by the influence of Indian civilization through Buddhism. In a larger civilizational sense, it is India that ‘dominated’ China rather than the reverse. Several years ago, during my first visit to New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art, I steered myself immediately to the Indian arts section and, struck by the magnificent pieces of Buddhist art on display, wondered why I had never seen such beautiful pieces in India, until I discovered on reading a caption that the hall housed Chinese art. For some moments I related totally with great pleasure to what I thought was Indian art, not Chinese. A visit to the Temple of Heaven in Beijing reveals how deep the imprint of Buddhist thinking and architecture on Chinese imperial monuments is. Similarly, another magnificent monument, the Lama Temple in Beijing, is a reminder of China’s Buddhist links with India. The Longmen, Mogao and Yungang grottoes, the Leshan Giant Buddha, the White Horse Temple at Luoyang, the cave temples at Dunhuang are some of the other such links spread across Chinese territory. The connection with the Indian civilization is palpable in China. There is no such imprint or legacy of Han China in India.

Even in Southeast Asia, the Indian civilizational influence is far more marked than the Chinese, in spite of the fact that some of these countries are geographically contiguous with China or are in its periphery. Visiting the Musée Guimet in Paris, which exclusively houses Asian art from Thailand, Cambodia, Burma, Laos, Vietnam and so on, one immediately enters the Indian civilizational world, whether Hindu or Buddhist or a curious admixture of the two. If China was so dominant, then where is the Chinese equivalent of Angkor Wat or Borobudur in this part of Asia? The pervasive influence of Hindu epics and Sanskrit on the cultural landscape of Southeast Asia is truly remarkable.

Militarily too, China has not dominated Asia. In fact, China has had no historical contact with India on its land frontiers and therefore any notion that China had military supremacy in Asia is totally false. It is only when China forcibly occupied Tibet that Han China and India came into direct military contact. On our northern border, no people-to-people contact between Hans and our own population has ever existed historically. All talk of the historical presence of “Chinese” graziers in border areas under dispute with India as a justification of its claims that the concerned land is Chinese territory is bunkum, as the Chinese conveniently conflate “Tibetan” with “Chinese”. Actually, China’s military control of Tibet of the kind we see today dates only from 1950. East Turkestan, or what the Chinese called Sinkiang, is only a recent Chinese possession—partly a gift from the Russians. The fact that China holds down Tibet and East Turkestan by force and against the wishes of its people questions the notion of China being the dominant power in Asia historically. Even in the case of Japan, while Chinese influence has marked Japanese culture, writing, architecture and so on, China has not dominated Japan militarily. China’s crowing about the military defeat it imposed on India in a limited border war in 1962 should be tempered by its own experience of the vastly greater military humiliations it suffered at the hands of much smaller Japan in recent history, defeats that for China are still traumatic, far more than our own trauma of 1962.

Similarly, the Silk Road too is a subject of much myth-making and the impression has been created that China historically dominated the Asian trade routes that also encompassed India. Actually, the term Silk Road is of 19th-century German coinage and gained currency only in the 20th century. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the opening of Central Asia to the world, harking back to the Silk Road served as a historical basis to build connectivity between these countries towards the east and west independent of Russia. The evocation of the Silk Road gives China the benign cover it needed for expanding itself geopolitically westwards to pursue its hegemonic ambitions in Asia fuelled by its phenomenal economic rise. Historically, the Hans did not dominate the trade routes; the Silk Route trade, the volume of which remains controversial, was actually handled by numerous staggered intermediaries that included Arabs, Syrians, Persians, Somalis, Greeks, Romans, Georgians, Armenians, Bactrians, Turkmens and the Sogdians. India as a whole had very limited contact with the so-called Silk Road. Some experts argue that the maritime spice trade with India and Arabia was far more consequential for the Roman Empire’s economy than the silk trade with China.

Historically, until British colonialism sapped the Indian economy, China’s economy was either marginally higher or lower than India’s. In 1500, China was the world’s largest economy followed closely by India with estimated gross domestic products of approximately 100 billion. In 1700, India, with a share of 25 per cent of the global income was the largest economy closely followed by China.

In the context of the Doklam stand-off and China’s crude behaviour, the myth of China’s historical ascendancy in Asia at India’s cost needs to be debunked. – The Telegraph, 13 August 2017

»  Kanwal Sibal is a distinguished career diplomat who retired as Foreign Secretary to the Government of India.

India-China Border


Rakhigarhi: DNA study finds no Central Asian trace – Anubhuti Vishnoi

Archaeologists and scientists of Deccan College, Pune, examining a full-length skeleton of a male excavated from a Harappan burial site in Rakhigarhi in March. Photo: Deccan College, Pune

Anubhuti VishnoiThe Rakhigarhi study … while showing absence of any Central Asian/Steppe element in the genetic make-up of the Harappan people, does indicate minor traces of Iranian strains which may point to contact, not invasion. – Anubhuti Vishnoi

The much-awaited DNA study of the skeletal remains found at the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi, Haryana, shows no Central Asian trace, indicating the Aryan invasion theory was flawed and Vedic evolution was through indigenous people.

The lead researchers of this soon-to-be published study—Vasant Shinde and Neeraj Rai—told ET that this establishes the knowledge ecosystem in the Vedic era was guided by “fully indigenous” people with limited “external contact”.

“The Rakhigarhi human DNA clearly shows a predominant local element—the mitochondrial DNA is very strong in it. There is some minor foreign element which shows some mixing up with a foreign population, but the DNA is clearly local,” Shinde told ET. He went on to add: “This indicates quite clearly, through archeological data, that the Vedic era that followed was a fully indigenous period with some external contact.”

According to Shinde’s findings, the manner of burial is quite similar to the early Vedic period, also known as the Rigvedic Era. The pottery, the brick type used for construction and the general “good health” of the people ascertained through the skeletal remains in Rakhigarhi, he said, pointed to a well-developed knowledge system that evolved further into the Vedic era. The study has, in fact, noted that some burial rituals observed in the Rakhigarhi necropolis prevail even now in some communities, showing a remarkable continuity over thousands of years.

Shinde, who is the vice-chancellor of the Deccan College, Pune, was the lead archaeologist in the study while Rai, who is the head of the ancient DNA laboratory at Lucknow’s Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences, did the DNA study.

Minor traces of Iranian strains

According to Rai, the evidence points to a predominantly indigenous culture that voluntarily spread across other areas, not displaced or overrun by an Aryan invasion. “The condition of the human skeletons, the burial … all show absence of palaeo-pathology symptoms which could indicate ailments due to lack of medical care. The persons here were healthy; denture morphology showed teeth free of any infection; bones are healthy, as is the cranium,” Rai told ET.

He also discounted the notion of any violent conflict. “There are no cuts and marks which would be associated with a population subjected to warfare. All this indicates that the people were receiving well-developed healthcare and had full-fledged knowledge systems.” The excavations in Rigvedic phase, he said, corroborate this. “This points to greater continuity rather than to a new Aryan race descending and bringing superior knowledge systems to the region,” Rai said.

The Rakhigarhi study, he said, while showing absence of any Central Asian/Steppe element in the genetic make-up of the Harappan people, does indicate minor traces of Iranian strains which may point to contact, not invasion.

The Aryan invasion theory holds forth that a set of migrants came from Central Asia armed with superior knowledge and arms and invaded the existing settlements to establish a more sophisticated civilisation in India and pushed the original inhabitants down south. Rakhigarhi is one of the biggest Harappan civilisation sites spread across 300 hectares in Hisar, Haryana. It’s estimated to be 6,000 years old and was part of the mature phase of the Harappan period.

Rai disclosed that 148 independent skeletal elements from Rakhigarhi were screened for the presence of DNA molecules at the Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology in Hyderabad. Of the 148 skeletal remains, only two samples yielded any relevant DNA material.

Meanwhile, hectic last-minute efforts are on to get additional genetic details of the DNA material. One of the DNA samples recently faced contamination in a Seoul laboratory and efforts are on to segregate it. Samples were sent to laboratories in Seoul and Harvard for establishing accuracy. The contamination, Rai said, is unlikely to have any major bearing on the study’s primary findings. – The Economic Times, 13 June 2018

» Anubhuti Vishnoi is a journalist with The Economic Times in New Delhi.

Rakhigarhi Graphic

Indus Valley Civilizational Area

Why Christian missionaries hate Modi and the RSS – Madhu Kishwar

Gujarat CM Modi at at Ram-Shabari shrine in Dang District.

Madhu KishwarNarendra Modi and the RSS are hated because, unlike the Congress and Communist parties, the Sangh Parivar is not willing to go out of its way to assist Christian missionaries in harvesting souls. – Prof Madhu Kishwar

As someone who studied in a convent school and whose mother also studied in a school run by Irish nuns in Peshawar, one could not help but have a benign view of the Christian community. Most middle-class people of our generation grew up believing that the Christian missions were sincerely committed to the spread of education and healthcare. However, even as a schoolgirl, I resented the subtle indoctrination inflicted on us by converting the “Moral Science” class into a Bible study class. Our Moral Science book had stories only from the Bible. There was no mention of Hindu faith traditions, leave alone study of the Bhagavad Gita, the Vedas or the Ramayana.

Though the overwhelming majority of students in our school were from Hindu or Sikh families, we were made to say the Lord’s Prayer not only during the morning assembly but also before each class and another Christian prayer after each class with due reverence, including crossing our hearts after each prayer.

Anyone who topped the class in monthly or weekly tests, got “holy pictures” by way of reward. Not surprisingly, possessing a large collection of beautiful Vatican-produced pictures of Lord Jesus, Mother Mary, the Holy Trinity and a whole range of Christian saints came to be seen as a prized possession. Since I routinely topped my class in every subject and won all the school competitions in debating, dramatics, etc., I owned the largest collection of holy pictures in the entire school.

It is noteworthy that Hindu and Sikh parents, whose children studied in that or countless other missionary schools never objected to this daily dose of Christianisation and systematic attempt to inculcate “love of Jesus” in our impressionable minds. For the record, no pressure was ever exerted on us to “convert” because the school authorities knew that trying the conversion game with middle and upper middle class/caste families was bound to backfire. However, it was well-known that the same order of nuns ran special schools in Punjab villages and in urban bastis, targeting children of the poor and “lower castes”. These schools had been established mainly for the purpose of getting converts and “harvesting souls” for the Church. But in those innocent days, nobody seemed to mind or care, leave alone sense any sinister agenda.

Despite the horrors of colonial rule and the religion-based Partition, most Hindus still continued to chant the pious mantra of sarva dharma sam bhav. We were taught to believe that all religions lead to the same path and that if Christians gave good education to the deprived classes, they were performing samaj sewa (social service). Nobody paid much heed to the fact that the Christians and Islamists never reciprocated sarva dharma sam bhav. Instead, their entire strategy of conversion was based on defaming and demonising Hindu faith traditions because that is a core mandate of Abrahamic religions, for whom dharma, as Hindus understand it, has no value and their open agenda is to crush the dharmic civilisation of India.

Even as a school girl, what bugged me most was that we were not only discouraged from speaking in Hindi or Punjabi—the mother tongues of most students in our school—but also punished for doing so. The punishment was of course not corporal. Every classroom had a chart with the name of all the students to rank the weekly and monthly performances. Those who excelled in various subjects and extra-curricular competitions got gold stars for each accomplishment, followed by red star, yellow star, green star. The dreaded black star proclaimed that you belonged to the bottom rung.

As an all-round topper, I invariably got gold stars for everything else but continually got black stars for speaking in Hindi, despite prohibition on the language even during lunch break. I kept defying the ban because even at that age I found it offensive to my national pride, though I understood its far-reaching implications only much later.

It is through one’s mother tongue or native language that we stay rooted in our culture and sanskars. By forcing us to become monolingual and English-dependent, we were being systematically deracinated. English inevitably brings with it disdain for Indic cultures and faith traditions and harbours the tendency to view the world through lenses of the imperial West, which is deeply rooted in Christian ethos. Sadly, this enslavement to English was made state policy under Nehruvian influence. Not surprisingly, elite schools founded and run by the brown sahibs of India are following the same pattern of intellectual enslavement set in motion by missionary schools.

No surprise then that a vast majority of India’s English-educated elite act as the intellectual warriors for Christian missions. They defend the right of evangelical organisations to convert Hindus to Christianity even while they use questionable means and rabid hate-Hindu propaganda to bring in converts. But they go ballistic when Hindu organisations try winning back Christian converts to their original faith. Abusing and demonising Hindu faith traditions is treated as proof of “liberalism” and defended as “freedom of expression”, but even modest questions raised against the means and methods adopted by evangelical groups and consequences of large-scale conversions to Christianity is treated as proof of a person being a obscurantist “Hindutvavadi”—with Hindutva—its plain meaning is “essence of Hindu faith”—being projected as synonymous with fascism.

In the initial years of Manushi, the human rights, women’s rights journal I founded in 1978-79, Christian organisations of all hues embraced it warmly and came to constitute a large chunk of our subscribers. I was often invited to speak at their events in different parts of India. Many of them translated reports from Manushi into regional languages. At that stage, I naively believed that just as the “Liberation Theologists” within the Church-led “progressive” movements in defence of human rights of black Africans, the Christian organisations of India were carrying forward that tradition by contributing their might to movements for social justice and women’s rights. But I was disabused of this notion when I found that when Manushi started defending Indic faith traditions from malicious attacks, Christian organisations—-including those wearing the secular mask—began to not only distance themselves from Manushi but also started to work against it.

It is not a coincidence that during that very phase, Kancha Ilaiah came to be feted and celebrated by church leaders and organisations and catapulted into international fame after he converted to Christianity and wrote a rather pompous, malicious hate tract against Hinduism titled Why I Am Not a Hindu. It is based on willful distortions and clearly written for the purpose of ingratiating himself with rabid evangelicals. Before Ilaiah wrote this, he was neither an avant-garde academic nor a celebrated public intellectual. As soon as he published his hate tract, he was touted by Christian organisations as a leading global intellectual and radical reformer of the “decadent Hindu society”.

Since Christian organisations carry a lot of influence in Western universities, Ilaiah became a professional globetrotter, lecturing at the most prestigious universities in the West. Overnight he became a star speaker at high-profile international conferences, including at the United Nations. His views on India and Hinduism came to be treated as gospel truth. If a person of his intellectual mediocrity had said good things about Hinduism, he would not have been invited as a speaker even by a small-town Rotary Club. But abusing India and Hinduism brought him handsome monetary rewards and celebrity stature.

Ilaiah’s article “Disowning Hinduism” is likely to have been inspired by my controversial article “Why I do Not Call Myself a Feminist”, in which I explained how followers of all “isms”, including Indian feminists, ape the means and methods of Christian missionaries out to harvest souls and treat those who don’t adopt their ideology as sub-human species, who need to be saved from ignorance and perdition. That sealed my fate with Christian organisations and even foreign universities.

Until then, I was a very sought after speaker in universities abroad, especially universities in North America. But with that article, I began to get blacklisted, even though mine was far from a hate tract. It was a well-reasoned carefully-worded piece analysing how all ideologies are products of specific cultures, social contexts and historical phases, and therefore cannot be blindly applied to altogether different social contexts and timeframes.

Moral of the story: while I faced severe punishment for distancing myself from copycat feminism and all proselytising ideologies, Ilaiah became a global celebrity as a reward for Hindu bashing and open conversion to Christianity.

Modi’s demonic image

I personally woke up to the seriousness of the danger posed by Christian missionaries during my study of Narendra Modi’s tenure as Gujarat chief minister. As I explained in my book Modi, Muslims and Media (MMM), I undertook that study only because I wanted to check out for myself whether the evil deeds attributed to Modi and the demonic image painted of him by the Congress-Left combine in cohorts with select foreign-funded non-governmental organisations (NGOs), bore any resemblance to chief minister Modi and the impact his model of governance had on the ground. Since he was being accused of a genocidal bent of mind towards “religious minorities”, I made Muslim and Christian communities the focus of my study. A good part of the material I gathered regarding the Muslim community is already published in MMM, but I could not give space in the book to the interactions I had with the Christian community.

It all started with an hour-long phone conversation I had with V. V. Augustine, a Malayali Christian based in Thiruvananthapuram. During his tenure as a member of the Minorities Commission, Augustine had interacted with Modi on multiple occasions. This is what Augustine told me in our very first phone chat.

“Contrary to the propaganda that Modiji is supposed to be anti-minority, my experience is that Modi is a very minority-friendly person. When I was member of the Minorities Commission, the Christian community of Vapi district in Gujarat brought a serious issue to my notice. They number around 7,000. There are several churches in Vapi of different Christian denominations that include Catholics, Protestants and Syrian Christians.

“Since the last 40 years, they had been trying to get a piece of land for a cemetery. They had even approached the central government; and they were willing to pay for the land. But the administration kept dragging the matter on for decades. This caused enormous inconvenience because they had to take dead bodies 40 miles from Vapi for burial [I found later the distance was 18 km, not 40]. In order to lobby collectively, they formed a Vapi Christian Association and approached me for help as a member of the Minorities Commission.

“I asked them to write one more fresh application addressed to the collector of the district. When I went to meet the collector, he told me frankly, ‘this has to be a government decision because the local people have a problem with having a graveyard in their midst. Please approach the appropriate authority.’

“I therefore decided to talk straight to Modiji and explained the matter to him. He listened with full attention and said, ‘Yes, you have a genuine issue. Have you identified a piece of land?’ I told him that we have a place but the local people are resisting our acquiring it. Modi said, ‘that is not your problem; that’s mine. Just tell me where you want the land and I will call for a report.’ Within a matter of hours, he had the full report from the collector, who told him that since that particular piece of land was right in the middle of the town, the local people were resisting having a graveyard there.

“Modi then asked the collector to work in coordination with the Vapi Christian Association and identify another suitable piece of land. Within no time, the land was identified on the outskirts of the town and the Christian community was gifted one-and-a-half acres of land by the state government free of charge.

“I have interacted with him on numerous issues since then and have always found him extremely helpful and responsive. For instance, in the Dang tribal areas, there are settlements of neo-Christians. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) had become very active in the area, resulting in a lot of tension. When they planned to organise a big Shabari Kumbh Mela in that area in 2006, the Christians became extremely nervous and feared that they would be attacked. We went to Modi with our apprehensions. Christian organisations demanded a ban on the Shabari Mela.

“Modi did not ban the mela because that would have given the VHP an excuse to create a ruckus that Hindus were being put down at the behest of Christians, leading to more tension. He assured us that nobody would be allowed to indulge in any lawless behaviour and issued firm instructions to the police commissioner of the area. Indeed, the mela passed off peacefully, this despite the fact that, during 2002, non-Christian tribals had attacked Christian settlements leading to a great deal of mutual hostility and suspicion. Not surprisingly, most Christians vote for Modi. They have never complained against his regime.

“When I met Modi even on small matters, he supported all genuine demands. In another incident, there was a problem between Hindus and Muslims in a small village near Vadodara in 2004. He gave me a free hand to act as an intermediary. I called a joint meeting. A Muslim had killed a Hindu over a business issue and Hindus retaliated. They were not even on talking terms. We conducted peace meetings to bring in communal harmony. The collector was given instructions by Modiji to extend full cooperation.

“Gujarat newspapers gave prominent coverage to how the ‘Augustine Mission’ was successful. But the peace mission could not have succeeded if the administration had not been fully supportive. People who spread the canard that Modi is against minorities are reflecting their own political biases. My experience is entirely different.

“As a member of the Minorities Commission, I dealt with several states. The governments of Odisha and Madhya Pradesh have also been good. But no chief minister is as good, as strong and determined as Modi. Once he takes up an issue, he sees it through to its logical conclusion.

“Now, even Muslims realise that Modi is good for them because a riot-free Gujarat and a resurgent economy with new opportunities have provided them avenues of upward mobility. I admire Modi and I want him to be the prime minister. I always go by factual accounts. Those who are obsessed with injustice done to minorities should ask: Who has given full rights to the minorities? It is the Hindu majority! Who wrote the Constitution? Mostly Hindus! We must appreciate Hindus for this and give them their due credit.”

This glowing tribute came as a very pleasant surprise for me because for years one had heard John Dayal, Teesta Setalvad, Aakar Patel, Father Cedric Prakash and other Christian activists talk of Narendra Modi as though he was the devil incarnate out to cleanse Christians and Muslims from the state of Gujarat. Cedric Prakash in particular had been at the forefront of the international campaign against Modi to get him blacklisted “as a mass murderer” and denied visa to America and European countries. What is worse, Cedric Prakash along with Islamist groups had lobbied with the US Commission for Religious Freedom to get India blacklisted as a country which crushes religious minorities—notably Christians and Muslims. To quote from one of his interviews referring to Modi’s Gujarat at the Berkeley Centre for Religion, Peace and World Affairs:

The people that follow Hindutva are fascists; they are the equivalent from (sic) the American context of the Ku Klux Klan, and they draw inspiration from the apartheid of South Africa and Nazi ideology. The basic ideology asks for one nation, one language and one people. (Dec. 2, 2010)

But Augustine had painted such a glowing picture that I decided to go personally to the Christian pockets of Gujarat in Dang and Vapi to check what the church leaders there had to say about Modi.

I had expected that at least the Vapi Christians would endorse Augustine’s version and display goodwill towards Modi. But I was taken aback when I found most of them reluctant to utter even one good word about him. Since I had informed them of my visit in advance, half a dozen pastors from various Christian institutions had gathered in one place. Since they knew that Augustine had given me his firsthand account, they could not altogether deny the sequence of events nor paint Modi in the demonic light that Father Cedric Prakash, John Dayal and their associates among the human rights NGOs routinely do. But their demeanour and the hints one got from their guarded sentences and body language spoke volumes about their innate hostility towards the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and Modi, which had nothing to do with what Modi actually did or failed to do.

For instance, Father Jose Dali from Kerala, who has lived in Gujarat for 36 years, attributed their success in getting land for the graveyard to the “power of the lord”, and the fact that all Christians were “praying together”. To quote him, “we believe in a living god. We believe that he is a god who is able to do miracles, even if the government is against us. We believe in the power of the lord. It is a special faith of the Christians. People all around the world prayed together and because of that, the lord worked on the hearts of the magistrate as well as the leaders.” In other words, they presented to their congregation the success in getting the graveyard land as yet another miracle of Christ.

Their reluctance to give credit to the Modi government either for securing free land for them or for ensuring that even minor skirmishes don’t take place among Christians and non-Christians tells its own story.

They also tried to convince me that the Modi government discriminated against tribal areas with regard to development programmes and that in the interior tribal villages, road and other infrastructure was not as good as in non-tribal areas. To quote Francis Fernandes: “in tribal areas, if they are pockets of Christian faith, they will not get certain facilities”. When I asked to give him concrete examples, he couldn’t give me any.

I found that charge baseless because I had travelled to the remotest tribal areas and had seen that the quality of roads was no different. True, medical services in villages near big cities were better than in interior villages. But there was no difference between tribal and non-tribal villages in this respect. The difference is more to do with doctors and nurses not willing to work in villages far from major urban centres.

Thereafter, they complained that the sarpanch of that area had refused to sanction a power connection for the graveyard. Since burials don’t take place at night, I was a bit surprised that they needed a power connection for the open ground. Even so I decided to check whether this charge had any substance.

I met both the current as well as the previous sarpanch of Paldi taluka panchayat. Both were categorical that the pastors had never applied for a power connection so there was no question of refusal. I called the most voluble among of the pastors from the sarpanch’s house and put my mobile phone on speaker mode. Now, the pastor, who had claimed that he had personally gone and applied for the power connection, came up with a lame story that a long while ago he had gone very early morning to the house of the sarpanch (not the panchayat office) and since the sarpanch was not at home, he left the application with an unknown person who opened the door. I asked him whether he had followed up on the matter. The answer was, “no, we didn’t follow up since we knew they would not sanction the connection.”

This was a clear case of building a victimhood narrative out of a situation where the Modi government had gone out of its way to help the Christian community in more ways than one.

The truth behind the victimhood narrative

Father Francis Macwan, one of the senior pastors of a missionary school on Ahwa Road, where Shabari Dham is situated, had told me that their school and their mission had received all possible help from the Modi government. When I asked him to provide concrete examples of “help”, he described how the district administration had been instructed to provide as many free school textbooks, children’s notebooks, stationery, school bags and uniforms as demanded by missionary schools, even though as privately-run schools, the state government is not obliged to provide such support to church-run institutions, especially considering that the mission schools set up in tribal areas have the express mandate to win over converts to Christianity.

Thus, when any state government provides free books and other educational materials to mission schools, it is in a way furthering their conversion agenda since free education and related benefits are one of the primary incentives offered by the Church to tribals and other poor communities. And yet the Modi government, as perhaps several other state governments in India, provide this as a goodwill gesture towards the Christian community.

But barring a few individuals like Augustine, the hostility of church leaders, especially the aggressive evangelical variety, towards the BJP in particular, and Hinduism in general, has only exacerbated instead of abating. The reason for this came out through their own narrative. For the Christian missions in India, “freedom of religion” promised as a constitutional right means essentially one thing—unchecked right to convert people to Christianity, through fair means or foul.

In my case study of Bishrampur village in Sasaram district of Bihar published in Swarajya in February 2018, I have described the blackmail tactics, including violence on children used by Christian bigots to force children from poor families to adopt Christianity.

But finally they let it out that the real issue bothering them was with regard to government policy over conversions. To quote Jose Dali: “Actually, what the government feels about conversion and what we believe are different. Conversion will take place within the heart. We are not converting anybody. Those who are truly believing and personally accepting Christ as their saviour and after confessing by themselves publicly, we will accept them. Baptism is not a sign of the conversion. Baptism is a part of the faith. Those who are converted will be baptised as per the Bible, Gospel of Mathew.”

Father Francis Fernandes added: “conversion and baptism are not the same. What the pastor is explaining is that there is a change of heart in a person. The change of heart is when the person is ready and the person says, I want to join this way of life. Then only we initiate him in the field. He is saying ‘yes’ and we are acknowledging that ‘yes’, that is baptism. By seeing the way of life, by seeing the faith of the people around, by seeing that Jesus is there, god is there, then this person comes and says, I want to receive baptism. It is not that we are going and forcing people.” He justified Father Cedric Prakash’s virulent opposition to the Modi government on the ground that “we are not free in our own country, in our own state. Why are our constitutional rights being curtailed? I have the freedom to believe in any god as per the Constitution and after my confession, any time I can follow the principles of the faith.” In other words, the government not allowing support to conversions made them feel India is not a free country.

Another charge made by these pastors was that there are restrictions on building churches. To quote Father Francis Fernandes: “this is our freedom curtailment. As an active member of the Christian faith, we are not free in our own country to call our own place of worship which is called internationally a church.” At the same meeting, Father Mathew told me, “in South Gujarat alone, there are hundreds of Christian institutions.”

Several IAS officers, including those working as district collectors, confirmed that there is no blanket ban on building churches. But the problem arises when evangelicals want to plant a church in the middle of a Hindu settlement where there are no Christians, or position it right next to an important Hindu temple. That invariably gets resisted by local communities. But evangelicals have got used to the administration riding roughshod over local sentiments under pressure from Christian missions to give them endless special concessions they claim as a “minority”. They succeed often because they have both the monetary clout as well as political backing to get the government to do their bidding. The fact that under the Modi government, they could not bulldoze the administration with unreasonable demands was provocation enough to join not only with the conversion-friendly Congress party but even rank Islamists in running an international campaign to present him as devil incarnate.

Jose Dali belongs to a Protestant group called Brethren Assemblies, which is spread all over the world. In response to his litany of complaints, I asked him if he had presented the complaints to the district collector. His response was a giveaway: “We don’t want to make allegations. If there is some problem, we won’t go to the police station or outside. We believe that maybe God’s plan will work things out.” But that didn’t prevent them from taking their imaginary complaints against Narendra Modi to the US Senate, the European Union and various UN platforms.

How do they justify the virulent campaign to get the US and European governments to deny Modi visa for a whole decade? To quote Father Francis Fernandes: “Maybe when our Indian Penal Code or Indian court is not giving you proper justice, you appeal to the international level. That is how Cedric Prakash must have gone to that extent. When my children are not fed in my own house, they will go out to beg, borrow and eat. So that is what is happening. If they have taken this step, that means something is wrong with my own house.”

Father Francis Macwan, the most reasonable and straightforward of all the pastors I met, from the Jesuit order, summed up the nature of the conflict candidly: “Father Cedric Prakash is a social scientist and an activist. His view is different from ours because we are staying in the midst of people. So my experience is different. Cedric is also in touch with Protestant groups, who go for conversion and faith formation. I have a very positive experience in working in Gujarat under Modi. We Catholics are not directly aggressive in conversions. But for Protestants, the main activity is conversion. So their experience is different.” It is noteworthy that he could speak his mind, though very diffidently, mainly because I chanced to meet him alone while all others met me as a group.

Meanwhile, the Church has tried to adopt Hindu nomenclature, rituals and vocabulary for Christian myths and church rituals, to make Christianity appear less alien. As elsewhere, so also in the Vapi church, the statue of Mother Mary was dressed in a Gujarati-style saree. Father Francis Fernandes explained they have named her “Our Lady of Velankanni” after a place in Tamil Nadu where Mother Mary allegedly “appeared” to several persons in her bodily form. That place has become a Christian “pilgrimage centre”. Such miracle mongering is a standard technique of evangelicals to attract converts. Adopting local Hindu names, rituals, aarti, bhajans are also part of the strategy to make Christianity appear rooted in the soil of India instead of being an alien imported religion.

I also saw for myself how the local Hindu population, especially the youngsters, routinely visited the big church compound in Vapi for relaxing in its vast garden and often went and prayed inside because they found the atmosphere peaceful. For some youngsters, it has become the most convenient dating place because Vapi does not have many such pleasant gardens with beautiful shaded trees.

The lack of hostility of the Hindu population to Christian institutions is evident from the fact that out of 1,800 students in Father Mathew’s school, the vast majority are Hindu. Only 1 per cent of children are avowedly Christian, and only 10 per cent are tribals. However, they run a separate residential school only for tribal children, which is where there is a heavy dose of evangelical brainwashing to convert them to Christianity.

For the benefit of “secular Hindus”, the pastors describe their evangelical agenda in highly sanitised terms: “we propagate the love of Jesus Christ, we propagate the gospel, and we are teaching everyone to become a good human being so we propagate Jesus Christ and his love. We never try to convert anybody. Message of Christ is the message of love. It is a very open message.”

However, the Joshua Project, of which all these Protestant missions are a part, makes no secret of the communities it has targeted for conversion. This is what it says about communities that are the soft targets in the tribal-dominated Dang district:

Almost all of the Central Bhil practise ethnic religions that have been highly influenced by Hinduism. Shiva is considered the supreme god. Ancestor worship (praying to deceased ancestors) is also quite popular. Shamans (priests) are also called upon to offer sacrifices to the many gods and mud idols.

In spite of their traditional beliefs, there have been interesting manifestations of god’s spirit among the upper caste Bhagat gurus. They now worship light and ‘the word’, singing prophecies of the future, such as the coming sinless incarnation. At the turn of the century, one guru warned his disciples that there would be a great famine, after which they should look for teachers from the north and west who would teach them the true way of salvation from a book, free of cost. They would teach about the true god, and about a sinless incarnation, who was born of a virgin. The guru also said that they should worship this sinless, invisible god, turn away from stones and idols, and live blameless lives. A famine occurred in 1899-1900, soon after the guru’s death.

The Joshua Project thus admits that the Bhils are steeped in Hindu faith and that their agenda is to wean them away from attachment to their “false gods” and adopt the “true god” but they also admit to using devious strategies including natural calamities as a way of making in-roads among the unsuspecting tribals.

Modi and conversions

The BJP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in general and Narendra Modi in particular become objects of hate and are perceived as threats not because they want to smash churches and attack or kill Christians or shut down schools. They are hated because, unlike the Congress and Communist parties, the Sangh Parivar is not willing to go out of its way to assist Christian missionaries in harvesting souls. Modi became the bête noire of the Christian community despite being very liberal in yielding to the reasonable demands of Christian organisations, and seeking a relationship of cooperation with them and not confrontation. In the very first year of his tenure, his government passed a law entitled Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act, 2003. As per this law, anyone who wants to change his/her religion has to first report to the civil authority, namely the deputy commissioner of the district.

This provision is meant to prevent conversions through fraud. Even though seven states in India already had such a law, the Gujarat law came to rankle the Christian community all over India because Modi took its enforcement somewhat more seriously, whereas almost all Congress governments either turned a blind eye to conversions—whether fair or foul—or even actively assisted in the planting of churches in areas favoured by Christians through free land grants and other overt and covert forms of assistance.

During British times, churches of various denominations came to occupy the best and the most premium tracts of real estate in every state of India. But even after Independence, the Indian State has been generous in patronising missionary activities, making available countless stretches of prime land as virtual gifts, or at best charging a token amount. In that sense, the combined real estate of various churches in India may well place them among the biggest land owners in India. The growth in planting of churches has also proceeded at frenetic pace in recent decades, especially after the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) came to power and Sonia Gandhi became the all-powerful authority figure at the Centre as well as for state governments under the rule of the Congress and/or its allies. To quote Dr Ralph F Wilson, writing on the website of the Joyful Heart Renewal Ministries:

“The truly exciting thing is that the percentage of Christians has increased substantially from 2.5 per cent a decade ago to about 5.8 per cent today. That represents a huge increase in the growth rate. Something is happening!

“Mycologist and church growth expert C. Peter Wagner has been receiving reports that the percentage may actually be 25 per cent Christian—at least in parts of this large country—most of the growth coming in the past 10 to 15 years. And the growth may not all be in traditional churches. A substantial part may come from Jesus-follower groups within the Hindu culture.

“In this huge and very diverse country, it’s difficult to get accurate statistics regarding religion, but anecdotal stories indicate exciting changes. According to Christianity Today, Operation Mobilisation, one of India’s largest missionary groups, has grown to include 3,000 congregations in India, up from 300 in less than a decade. A hospital-based ministry in north India has seen 8,000 baptisms over the past five years after a decade of only a handful.

“Everybody knows about the massive scale of growth among Dalits,’ says Operation World’s Jason Mandryk. Somewhere between 70 per cent and 90 per cent of Christians in India are Dalits, low-caste groups, so that many higher-caste Hindus view Christianity as a low-class religion, worthy of contempt.

“’Now we see signs of growth in the middling castes and among the under-35s,’ Mandryk says. ‘There’s a new dynamic for the urban, educated generation….’ Wagner writes, ‘it is becoming more and more common for whole villages or other people groups to all decide to follow Jesus Christ together at one time.’ There are reports of both new churches and traditional denominational churches seeing signs and wonders in the spirit.”

Church organisations also manage to secure a big chunk of corporate social responsibility (CSR) funds as well as grants from various central government ministries and departments and state governments for their activities.

As described in my article on Bihar, it is not as if tribals and Dalits are desperate to convert. In most instances, missionaries use fairly dubious means to bring people into the Christian fold. Missionaries are also not just content with Hindus accepting Jesus as their saviour. An essential requirement is that they begin hating their original faith, disown their ancestral culture and break off ties with relatives who refuse to convert.

During Modi’s regime in Gujarat, the district administration had been advised to keep a close watch over conversions, not because Modi hated Christians but because the virulent hate campaigns against Hinduism and the indigenous faith traditions of tribal communities often led to clashes between Christian and non-Christian tribals, leading to law and order problems in areas targeted by evangelicals.

Missionaries also seemed resentful of the fact that the Modi government took on the task of improving road connectivity and provision of civic infrastructure to backward regions, including tribal pockets, on a war footing. With high quality all-weather roads reaching the remotest regions, along with 24×7 power supply, internet and mobile phone connectivity, safe drinking water, functional primary health centres, systemic improvements in state-run schools and one of the best ambulance services in the country just a phone call away—the space for missionary work began shrinking. Christian missions and evangelical activists thrive only so long as communities remain poor, illiterate and deprived of means of social and economic advancement. Congress, during its long tenures as the ruling party, had not only left the field free for conversions by its callous neglect of tribal areas but also by facilitating the activities of the church. But the Modi government made a special effort to mainstream neglected tribal communities. This appeared as a palpable threat to the evangelicals.

During Modi’s tenure as chief minister, Hindu groups also felt emboldened to report to the district administration all those meetings where tribals were invited for baptism even while the pastors decribed those meetings as community gatherings, not conversion melas. But they gave the game away by repeatedly asserting that the Modi government was tampering with the freedom of religion of tribal communities to accept Jesus as their lord and saviour. The logic is bizarre. Tribals are most comfortable continuing with their ancestral belief system. It is the evangelicals who tamper with their religious freedom by pressuring them to convert—that too through hate propaganda against the native faiths.

The Modi government merely kept a vigil over conversion activities. And yet these pastors termed it as a crackdown on Christianity even though they were free to practise their religion and run Christian schools and hospitals. This is how they tried covering up their real agenda: “The xyz gathering we planned was only meant for baptism, not conversion. If people come to us after an inner awakening of the love of Jesus, how can we turn them away? We don’t ask them to convert, it is they who came to embrace Christ. So how can they charge us with conversions?”

They had no answer when I asked how they could say “baptism” was not conversion and whether as per law, they provided the list of those seeking baptism to the district administration. If seeking baptism was a genuine individual choice, why hide it from the deputy commissioner?

The story of Shabari Dham

That Christian leaders of Gujarat had got used to the government of India bending over backwards to keep them happy becomes evident when we consider how aggressively they responded to the presence of the Ramakrishana Mission, social workers of the freedom movement, Hindu sanyasis and Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram social workers in the tribal areas of Gujarat. This aggression was more pronounced in the pre-Modi era, and extended even towards Gandhian social workers sent by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel in the late 1940s to undertake the work of tribal uplift through spread of education and to set up village industries.

This was narrated to me by 1924-born Gelubhai Gulabbhai, a devoted follower of Mahatma Gandhi. He described to me his first-hand experience with Christian missionaries when he moved to Dang in 1948 after completing his education and made it his home and karmabhoomi. Sardar Patel had handpicked him and his brother for social work among Bhil and other tribal communities of Dang. He settled down in Ahwa.

At that time, the area was considered the backwaters of civilisation. Since they had no place to stay, the district collector helped him and his brother to rent a small dwelling within the local mission compound. Since they had come on behalf of the Mahatma Gandhi-initiated Khadi Gramodyog Board with the aim of introducing craft industries among the tribals to enhance their economic status, within no time the news spread by word of mouth that “Gandhi manas (men), the men of swaraj” had come to Dang. Within days, thanks to the magic of Gandhi’s name, people started visiting their khadi centre from all over the district. Apart from promoting spinning and khadi production, the two brothers began moving from village to village helping people resolve their problems with the administration in addition to starting educational work in tribal villages. They set up student hostels and elementary health services. As a result of their selfless work, the brothers became fairly popular.

As per Gulabbhai’s account, since local communities began to gravitate towards Gandhi-inspired social work, the Spanish missionaries of the time became resentful and tried to get the two brothers thrown out of the area. They first asked them to vacate the rented premises and pressured the administration to banish them, alleging that the presence of these social workers was inimical to tribal welfare. Gulabbhai and his team refused to buckle under this pressure and the local administration also supported them, since khadi promotion was part of state policy of that period. However, in order to escape harassment by missionaries, they set up their own Dang Swaraj Ashram so that they did not have to live as tenants of the mission. The two brothers have devoted their entire life to the Gandhi mission. Even for this, they faced strong opposition from Christian leaders.

Gulabbhai recounted how during the 1980s, Modi, as an RSS pracharak, used to move around in this area on a bicycle. He tried cultivating good relations with the church leaders, saying, “if your aim is to uplift the status of tribal communities and our mission is also the same, why can’t we work together towards our common goal?” As per Gulabbhai, this was obviously not acceptable to the missionaries whose real agenda was conversions with education and health services used as mere baits. “They were hostile to the Gandhi ideology because they felt that Gandhi was himself rooted in the Hindu faith. Therefore, spread of Gandhi’s ideas would only strengthen the Hindu ethos. Faced with such hostility, we too decided to strengthen our ecosystem by inviting prominent Hindu saints like Murari Bapu and sadhus of Swami Narayan sect for discourses in this area.” Murari Bapu is known for promoting communal harmony and bridging divides. He did stellar work to heal the wounds of the 2002 riots. Similarly, the Swami Narayan sect is also not known for violent or aggressive activities involving counter proselytisation.

But the presence of even these peaceful Hindu preachers upset the missionaries, because Hindu faith leaders were able to establish easy rapport with local people speaking to them in their very own idioms and built on their local faith traditions instead of asking them to disown their own ancestral faith. Gulabbhai describes the absurd tricks used by missionaries to convince tribals that they were worshipping false and evil deities:

These missionaries would try to convince Bhils that Hindu gods are weak and fake whereas the Christian god is true and all-powerful. To demonstrate this, they would take a metal plate with the name of Ram written on it. They would put that plate in water. It would naturally sink.

Then they would take a similar looking plate of wood with the name of Jesus written on it. Naturally, it would float. The missionaries would then gleefully offer it as proof that Jesus alone could save their souls while Hindu gods condemn them to perdition. In order to blast their devious narrative, we started challenging them in their meetings. We would insist that they write the name of Ram on the wooden plate instead of putting it on metal. Everybody could see that the wooden plate floated, no matter whose name you wrote on it, and the metal plate sank even if you wrote the name of Christ on it. We had no choice but to expose their lies because they were creating religious strife. Our mission was tribal development, not conversion. We spoke to tribals in their own idiom, therefore they took to us.

The Bhil tribals have an age-old tradition of Ram bhakti because of the iconic story in the Ramayana where Lord Ram, Lakshman and Sita rested in the hut of a Bhil woman named Shabari during their 14-year exile from Ayodhya. Shabari was so overjoyed at the presence of Ram that she gathered wild berries (ber) from the jungle to feed her beloved Ram. In her anxiety to ensure that Ram ate only sweet and ripe bers, she tasted each fruit before offering it to Ram who ate them with joy and respect as an offering of love. This loving encounter between the Raghuvanshi Ram and a humble bhilni explodes many of the deftly crafted prejudices against the “evils of the caste” system and the “the curse of untouchability” associated with Hinduism through two-and-a-half centuries of missionary propaganda.

The Shabari-Ram connection has stayed an integral part of the cultural and spiritual ethos of the Bhils; the stones on which the two sat have since time immemorial been objects of worship in Dang. Morari Bapu proposed a grand memorial be built to honour the memory of Shabari. Consequently, a picturesque temple named Shabari Dham was constructed in 2004 on a hill named Chamak Dungar, near Subir village on Ahwa-Navapur Road. This is believed to be the spot where Lord Ram met Shabari.

This memorial became a matter of great pride for the tribals while Hindu leaders began promoting it as a pilgrimage site by planning the first Shabari Kumbh in February 2006. Lakhs of tribals and members of Scheduled Castes were brought for puja at Shabari Dham, which has a murti of Shabari offering juthe ber to Ram in the sanctum sanctorum. Another important ritual connected to Shabari Kumbh involves a dip in the nearby Purna river as a symbol of equality and oneness of all within the Hindu faith, irrespective of caste, class, tribe or creed. However, at the very inaugural day of Shabari Dham, Hindu leaders, as well as chief minister Modi made no secret of the fact that this temple was a symbol of their commitment to combat conversions by evangelicals.

With the construction of Shabari Dham, the Christian leaders felt so aggravated at Hindu leaders embracing tribals and setting up residential schools and other facilities for them to counter conversions to Christianity that they began a systematic slander campaign against Hindu saints and social workers, accusing them of promoting religious strife and bringing in “fascist” terror to crush Christians. As a result, Hindu organisations started becoming more militant, especially after VHP and Bajrang Dal entered the scene and Swami Aseemanand of RSS became a leading presence in Dang. They were not inhibited by Gandhian civilities and unconditional commitment to non-violence. They had come ready to battle in order to stop conversions and prevent the missionaries from making the Dang region into a “Nagaland of Western India”, meaning a call for total Christianisation. Consequently, attacks and counter-attacks and ethno-religious conflicts became fairly common. In a few instances, Christian churches were attacked by Hindu tribals who took to militant resistance once they found support from Hindu organisations.

It is not as if missionaries were merely hapless victims. Their methods of conversion had always been questionable and wherever strong, they too did not hesitate to use outright violence and vandalism against their opponents. Moreover, their very ideology of treating non-Christian faiths as satanic amounts to a declaration of war against Indic faiths. They use all manners of subterfuges to convince people that Jesus alone can save them and that by rejecting Jesus they would be inviting permanent perdition and roast in hell fires for all eternity. I have experienced this first-hand how Christianised tribal girls from Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, etc are taught by church leaders that they should refuse to participate in Hindu pujas and rituals while working and living with Hindu families.

They are indoctrinated into believing that if they participate in the traditional pujas of their ancestral faith organised by their own close relatives, demonic forces would overpower them and they would be stricken with fatal diseases. Their exclusionist ideology leads to breaking up not just village and community solidarity among the Bhils of Dang (as they do everywhere they plant their churches) but also tearing asunder families. This had led to plenty of strife among tribals because most of those who gravitated towards Christianity did so to avail of educational opportunities and not to disown their culture and family bonds.

Faced with militant resistance from Hindu Bhils, the missionaries unleashed a national and international campaign to project the VHP and RSS presence in the area as evidence of rising “Hindu fascism”. Shabari Dham was demonised and defamed as an assertion of Hindu aggression. While in the Hindu imagination, Shabari is a revered figure, the missionaries gave it a bizarre twist to project it as a misogynist story. To quote the foremost “intellectual leader” of Christians in India, Cedric Prakash, who set up an NGO with a Hindu name “Prashant” to project church activists as defenders of “human rights” in the international arena with frenetic lobbying against Hindu organisations in the UN and with the US government:

Many Hindu groups take some kind of religious sanction to negate the girl child, as well as women. For example, in our textbooks there is a myth about Lord Rama. It says that when Rama came to Gujarat, he found a place that was very clean. He wondered who was cleaning this area and then he realised that there was a tribal woman called Shabari who was working to keep the place clean. Lord Rama looks to her as an ideal woman and a great disciple because she kept this place so clean in case he decided to visit. This story then becomes a trope about the place of women in society. The boys are taught this type of stereotyping in school, that their mothers and sisters should be at home and clean the house….

Now there is group in India, a council formed by community elders called Khap that belongs to a certain feudal mindset. They have passed a law in Gujarat that unmarried girls cannot have a telephone.

The mischievous intent behind the narrative is evident from not just willful caricature of the Shabari story but also gratuitous reference to khaps which exist only in Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh; Gujarat had no acquaintance with khap panchayats. Moreover, no khap has the power to enact laws. They can at best pass resolutions on issues of common concern, that too if there is total consensus. And nowhere in India have girls been prohibited by law from carrying mobile phones.

The Christians not only defamed Shabari Dham through church networks but also used “secular” NGOs, many of whom are secretly funded by the church (and now even by Islamist groups), to declare war on Shabari Dham and the annual Shabari Mela simply because it resonated well with tribals.

The war over Shabari

So long as the Bhils and other tribals remain poor and marginalised, they remain easy targets of conversion drives. But the moment they feel part of mainstream Indian society, missionaries can’t prey on their isolation. The Christians therefore began frantic efforts to pressure the central government to ban the Shabari Mela, with secular NGOs and Left-leaning mediapersons leading a concerted attack against Hindu organisations embracing the work of tribal welfare to wean them away from Christianity and its divisive agenda. The Christians argued that since there were no historical antecedents for this mela, Hindus should be prohibited from holding it.

With the Congress-led UPA government at the Centre, they got full backing and support in demonising Hindu organisations. Missionary-backed secular fronts such as Indian Social Institute, Medha Patkar-led National Alliance of People’s Movements and even People’s Union of Civil Liberties (PUCL) and People’s Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) acted as foot soldiers for evangelicals in opposing Shabari Mela and endeavours of Hindu organisations to persuade tribals to assert their own faith traditions. Despite their democratic pretence, both PUCL and PUDR have been for long used as proxy fronts by Maoists.

The PUCL, which started off as a save-democracy organisation following the Emergency, turned into an obedient ally of evangelical groups and went so far as to file an intervention petition in the Supreme Court in 2006, supporting the Christian demand to ban Shabari Mela and put restrictions on ghar wapsi endeavours of Hindu organisations. This, when the Shabari Kumbh was being attended by lakhs of people from different parts of India of their own volition. Fortunately, the court refused to yield and the Shabari Mela was not banned.

But this campaign clearly revealed that Christian missionaries and the self-appointed guardians of civil liberties—PUCL and PUDR—joined hands to clamp down on the religious freedom of Hindus in their own homeland. They argued that Shabari Mela was being used as a platform for “communal propaganda to Hinduise or Brahmanise” adivasis. The charge is bizarre beyond belief. On the one hand, Christian missionaries don’t tire of attacking Hindus in general and Brahmins in particular of being exclusivist. On the other hand, any signs of inclusiveness is condemned as “Brahmanising” or Hinduising them, as though both these represent an intrinsically evil force. To Christianise tribals is “progressive”, even though it means making them disown and hate their ancestral faiths and cultures. But bringing them closer to upper-caste Hindu culture is dubbed “fascism”.

The missionaries have worked with zeal to drive a wedge between Hindu society and various groups erroneously designated as “tribals” simply because they were forest dwellers and therefore remained outside the varna vyavastha. The core belief system of groups designated as tribals consists of ancestor worship and nature worship. Hence they are termed animists. But both these are core beliefs of Hindu faith traditions as well, even while rituals involving these two beliefs might differ from one group to another. The big chink in the tribal armour exploited by missionaries is that they don’t have a written history or literary tradition because most of their languages did not have well-developed scripts. Therefore, missionaries have used that vulnerability to invent a whole new history for them on the lines of the Aryan-Dravidian divide theory used with fair degree of success in the South.

Two men were specially targeted by church leaders—Narendra Modi as chief minister of Gujarat and Swami Aseemanand of the VHP.

The work of Hindu organisations suffered a major setback when Aseemanand, the prime mover behind Shabari Kumbh, was arrested by the UPA government on the charge of being part of “Hindu terror” groups engaged in the Ajmer Sharif bomb case in 2007, and the Samjhauta Express blasts.

Recently, the entire bogey of “Hindu terror” has been exposed to have been invented as a counter-blast strategy by the Congress leaders to deflect attention from Pakistan’s ISI-backed terrorist groups mushrooming all over India. Assemanand was acquitted of all charges on 18 April 2018.

During my long interviews with Narendra Modi in 2013, he provided me valuable insights into the games being played by missionaries in crafting a narrative of victimhood in order to defame India globally and put the Indian government and political leaders on the defensive, so that they dare not challenge even the patently illegal and subversive activities of missionaries.

Right from the inception of Shabari Dham temple, Modi as Gujarat chief minister was put under pressure to ban the entry of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and VHP preachers in the area. Modi told me that he assured the Christian leaders who met him that he was willing to guarantee their safety and ensure that no attacks would take place on any church or any Christian home but that he could not possibly shut down the Shabari Dham or ban the Shabari Kumbh since that would amount to depriving Hindus of their religious freedom. Thereafter, Modi instructed the deputy commissioner and senior police officers of the area to ensure that not even a pebble was thrown at any Christian home or church nor any tiff allowed to flare up.

In the process, Modi invited the wrath of the radical fringe of Hindu preachers because they too were put on close watch. Modi told me he took a firm stand not just out of concern for the safety of Christians—which he took seriously as his constitutional duty—but also because he was well aware of the intent of a section of the missionaries, especially those who belong to the bigoted Baptist sects.

Often, they themselves would provoke a fight with the well-thought-out purpose of blowing it up out of proportion—even a minor skirmish which would be made the basis of an international smear campaign that the government of Gujarat was on a genocidal mission vis-a-vis Christians. He added that after his firm instructions, the district administration ensured that no group was allowed to take liberties with law and order.

Modi’s explanation sounds logical: “The fact that not a single Christian needed even first aid at a local dispensary on account of inter-faith violence indicates how Christian leaders had exaggerated the threat of violence from Hindu organisations. Had there been serious attacks, at least some persons would have suffered injuries worth an FIR to the police or gone for medical treatment.”

I too got the impression that the missionaries didn’t seem happy with the administration becoming firm about ensuring law and order. Modi could see clearly that missionaries thrived in a situation of conflict because that enabled them to unleash campaigns defaming Gujarat as a fascist, intolerant state that endangers the rights of minorities. If they are deprived of the opportunity to create even small skirmishes that can be exaggerated beyond recognition through friendly media, they get more desperate. That is why, despite cessation of attacks and counter attacks in the Christian tribal belt, the church leaders remained in the forefront of the anti-Modi brigade, backed by the Congress and Left parties. Father Cedric Prakash, John Dayal and other Christian activists addressed countless meetings in the UN, in the European Parliament as well as in leading universities of the West to ensure that the international communities treated Modi and BJP as untouchables.

It is ironic that liberal educated people in India go ballistic and hyperventilate their outrage towards ghar wapsi but take a very benign stand when successive popes openly proclaim their wish to “witness a great harvest of faith” in India. Imagine the Left liberal outrage in India if a Hindu leader expressed something close to what Pope Francis declared in 15 March 2013 while addressing the College of Cardinals:

Let us never yield to pessimism, to that bitterness that the devil offers us every day; let us not yield to pessimism or discouragement: let us be quite certain that the Holy Spirit bestows upon the Church, with his powerful breath, the courage to persevere and also to seek new methods of evangelisation, so as to bring the Gospel to the uttermost ends of the earth (cf. Acts 1:8). Christian truth is attractive and persuasive because it responds to the profound need of human life, proclaiming convincingly that Christ is the one Saviour of the whole man and of all men. This proclamation remains as valid today as it was at the origin of Christianity, when the first great missionary expansion of the Gospel took place. – Swarajya, 1 June 2018

» Prof Madhu Purnima Kishwar is Maulana Azad National Professor, ICSSR, and the founder of human rights organisation, MANUSHI.

Seventh-Day Adventist Mass Baptism India


Dalit Speak: Even in death we are apart, away and outcaste – Aleena

Christian priests and a Dalit priest

A Dalit ChristianAll Dalit Christians who came into the Christian fold in the whole of the 20th century were fooled by the fake promise of a spiritual Achha Din. – Aleena

For as long as I can remember, We and They were always different. “I knew I would lose my umbrella when these Pulaya women were standing here … what a bad omen they are,” exclaimed someone in church.

I was in Grade VIII when I heard this. It was all a pompous lie, the tale of the Holy Blood of Christ “healing” our discrimination. It was into deaf ears of the churches that the voice of Poykayil Yohannan made his point about this years ago. Our church has a striking majority of Dalits. The earnings of Protestant church priests are just a tenth of what their believers make in my church. But they can’t ever imagine a Syrian Christian priest living off the offerings of the majority Pulaya and Paraya members of this diocese. No way. That is how strong caste works within the community.

They are liars, as there is no text or manuscript that endorse or validates any racial or caste discrimination in the Bible [1] as in the Manusmriti or cultural history of Hinduism. They lie that they are free of such inhumane practices. They lie that their theological texts are epitomes of equality. All Dalit Christians who came into the fold in the whole of the 20th century were fooled by this fake promise of a spiritual Achha Din. Yes, the sense of caste or notion of caste was absent from the minds of the Dalits, but never had the Syrian Christians given up their pride over their Brahmin and Roman ancestry or their claim of purity of blood.

Just fact check how the Church shamed Dalits for their open support to the Dalit hartal that happened. They forgot that we were the same as how we were when we left the Hindu fold. We were always silenced from speaking up, all our rebellions inside the religion crushed. But not a pinch of this Church wrath was towards the pure blood theories and claims of pride of the Syrians, all that was perfectly Christian. Their pride in their Namboothiri (Hindu) origins were a thing of constant celebration, both for the Syrian Christians and for the Church. No theologist or good Samaritan would raise even a question against this pure blood and royal claims of these great families of the Syrian Christians.[2]

There is discrimination and exclusion right from the choir to the Holy Chairs of the Church. There are even separate prayer services and functions that would even put apartheid to shame. Even in death we are apart, away and outcast.

Very recently a reputed college in Kerala University, which was under the Christian management, rejected a thesis on Poykayil Appachan who was a great Dalit poet and philosopher reformist. They forced the student to edit out the attacks Appachan had launched on the Church. They were too weak to address the truth that he spoke out. The liberal ones who always spoke about caste in Hinduism were also rendered silent. Even Dalit organisations seldom addressed our needs as such.

Kerala government has included the Dalit Christians under Other Eligible Communities (OEC) category which excludes us from the direct benefits of the SC/ST reservation, rendering the whole community into social and economic backwardness. Dalits who constitute the majority of about 70 per cent of the Indian Christian population is given only less than seven per cent in the seats of power at the Church.[3] My mother always wanted to be a nun, but when someone who became one told her about the bad treatment and discrimination one would face, she backed off. But even now she says that she should have been a nun and she adds: “It will always be dreadful thing … aren’t our people already in a dreadful state anyway.” – The Indian Express, 1 June 2008


  1. For St. Paul on slavery see Ephesians 6:5-9, Colossians 3:22-25 & 4:1, 1 Timothy 6:1-2, and PhilemonSee also 1 Peter 2:18-25, which begins: “Servants, be subject to your masters with all fear; not only to the good and gentle, but also to the forward.”
  2. The Syrian Christian claim of Namboodiri or Brahmin ancestry is fraudulent, an historical error at best. St Thomas did not come to Kerala and evangelise the Brahmins. He did not get further east that Parthia (Persia) where he established a church at Fars. The first record of Christian immigrants in Kerala is 345 CE, not earlier. And the first record of Namboodiris in Kerala is for Mezhathol Agnihothri,  born in 342 CE. Marxist historians place Namboodiri Brahmins in Kerala not earlier that 6th century CE (they apparently migrated south from the Himalayan foothills). That a Vedic Namboodiri would convert to the Syrian Thomas cult is an absurdity!
  3. Pope Gregory XV (1621-1623) sanctioned caste divisions within the Indian Church and his edict has never been rescinded. Earlier in 1599 the Council of Diamper and again in 1606 the Council of Goa had sanctioned the same. These edicts have governed Catholic practice ever since―though Christians piously maintain that caste is contrary to Christ’s teachings.

Dalits for Equal Rights in Churches

See also


Indian churches conspire with Vatican to destabilise govt, says VHP – PTI

Surendra Jain

VHP LogoThe Vatican not only denigrates Hindus all over the world but also India as a nation, and Indian churches are acting as puppets in their hands. – VHP Joint General Secretary Surendra Jain

Amidst veiled criticism of the Modi government by two archbishops, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) today accused churches in India of conspiring with the Vatican as “contract killers to destabilise elected governments” and prop up the “puppet” ones.

Weeks within his Delhi counterpart stirred up a debate, the Archbishop of Goa and Daman Father Filipe Neri Ferrao on Monday wrote a letter to churches saying that the Constitution is in danger and most people are living in insecurity.

Reacting sharply to these letters, VHP Joint General Secretary Surendra Jain said it is now amply clear that the “churches in India are in collusion with the Vatican and are trying to create an atmosphere of distrust against the present government.”

“On the contrary, Constitution of India is in danger because of the attacking political stand of the church and its agenda of religious conversions,” he alleged.

“This is not the church’s view-point, but a conspiracy to install governments which can run on the directions of the Vatican. Like the award-wapsi gang, the church too is acting like a contract killer to destabilise the elected governments,” Jain claimed—referring to a group of artists and academicians returning Pope Francis the Actorgovernment awards in protest of perceived intolerance.

He further said the Vatican not only denigrates the Hindus all over the world but also India as a nation and the Indian churches are acting as puppets in their hands.

“The same Church remains a mute spectator when emergency was imposed in the country, Kashmiri Hindus were brutally killed in the valley and Sikhs were butchered in the 1984 riots. For the Church, these events do not put the Constitution in danger,” Jain argued.

“Why does the Church behave in this fashion only when BJP-led government is in office,” he asked.

“A malicious campaign about attacks on churches was started by these people when Modiji took over as Prime Minister. When their falsehood was exposed, they did not show the courtesy of apologising for the same,” Jain added.

In a controversial letter addressed to all the churches in the national capital, the Archbishop of Delhi had last month said that there was a “turbulent political atmosphere” in the country which “threatens” democracy and secularism.

Archbishop Anil Couto, in his letter dated May 8, has also urged all the priests in Delhi to “pray for the country” ahead of the crucial 2019 Lok Sabha election, in which the BJP hopes to retain power.

“We are witnessing a turbulent political atmosphere which poses a threat to the democratic principles enshrined in our constitution and the secular fabric of our nation,” Archbishop Couto had said in his letter.

The letter had triggered a sharp response from the ruling BJP. – The Times of India, 7 June 2018

Filipe Neri Ferrao

Read Archbishop of Goa Filipe Neri Ferrao’s ‘political’ letter to his parishioners HERE

Archbishop Couto is instigating a political conspiracy to destablise Bharat – C.I. Issac

Archbishop Anil Couto of New Delhi

C. I. IssacWhat is the moral right of a parochial and authoritarian Catholic Church to call its believers to pray for secular and democratic principles in our country? – Prof C.I. Issac 

Catholic Archbishop of Delhi Anil J. T. Couto, through a pastoral letter of  May 8th—which was released on  May 12th—calls its laity for prayer campaign—an undeclared civil war?—ahead of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. No doubt, it is an ecclesiastical political melodrama. Anyhow, it should be taken seriously. Consider it as an early warning. His provocative call is for reciting of prayers as a political game until the next general election, with fast and performing of the Eucharistic adoration (Holy Mass) of the faithful of every parish, is not an ignorable move.

It is a calculated one and part of an international conspiracy against a nation and its people. Above all, it is an order to generate chaos and an insecurity in the nation as well as to defame the Hindu nation with a time-honoured tradition of democracy and peaceful coexistence of religions (upasana systems). The only available weapon of the Archbishop in the Indian specific situation has been unsheathed well through the “pastoral letter”. He knows well the pastoral letter’s power in the Indian scenario. This weapon was tested in Kerala successfully several times, including during the “liberation struggle” against the first democratically elected Communist ministry of Kerala during 1958. Even though the Indian Communists are suffering from amnesia, to the students of history it is a significant milestone in the annals of our history.

The Vatican is a 110 acre sovereign state which is ruled by an absolute monarch, the Pope. Catholic Church is the only religious organisation ruled by a hierarchical structure and has no relevance to democratic principles. This hierarchy is not answerable to any terrestrial authorities, especially in India. But they are being derogatory of the Indian democracy. While talking of India they forget the excesses committed through the Inquisition Court. The Church burned thousands of innocent children and women through the court. The people of Goa have a lot to say about the atrocities of the Church. Francis Xavier was the man solely responsible for the establishment of the Inquisition Court at Goa in 1560, under which Hindu women were raped and burnt alive and the Hindu temples were demolished. (Kanayalal M. Talreja, Holy Vedas and Holy Bible, New Delhi, 2000, p. 170).

So far the Church has not tendered an apology for this excess. Then what is right of the Church to talk about secularism? Is Vatican a secular country? If they are secularist why can’t they invite other religion to Vatican? Why they are not allowing the construction of a mosque or Protestant church or synagogue or temple in Vatican? Are they truly secular? Then what is the locus standi of the Delhi Bishop’s blame on the Indian democracy? No doubt, it is “his master’s voice”.

Then what is the moral right of the Church’s call to its believers to pray for guiding our country in which the poor, tribal and Dalits are considered and respected with  equal dignity.

This pastoral letter is prima facie against the spirit of Bible and teachings of Jesus. Jesus was against religious interference in the politics. Without any hesitation, he cleared this question, “Well, then, pay the Emperor what belongs to the Emperor, and pay God what belongs to God” (Mark 12:17). Catholic Church from the days of Rome’s conversion to Christianity (325 CE) blatantly interfered in politics. Ecclesiastical interference resulted in the “struggle between empire and papacy”.  After the Italian unification, Pope lost his small name-sake kingdom. From 1861 to 1929 Papacy reduced to ecclesiastical status. For regaining the lost statehood of Vatican, Pope Pius XI opposed Communism and supported all cruelties of Benito Mussolini and his Fascism. Finally, on February 11, 1929, the Lateran (Palace) Treaty between the Holy See (Pope) and the Kingdom of Italy was signed by Benito Mussolini, prime minister of Italy, on behalf of King Victor Emmanuel III and by Cardinal Secretary of State Pietro Gasparri for Pope Pius XI.

Hereafter, the Pope became a ruler as seen today. As a gratitude for it, later popes forced to be loyal to the dictators of the day. Pope Pius XII supported the butchering of six million Jews by Hitler and justified Hitler’s invasion in Russia as a “gallant action in the defense of foundation of Christian culture.” The Church justified this stand until 1998. Finally in 1998 the Vatican was forced to apologise to Israel for its eunuch policy towards Hitler’s Jew hunting. (March 17, 1998, Washington Post).

Church and Dalits

Delhi Bishop’s concern about Muslims, tribals, Dalits and the concern of equality are thought-provoking. Hence, he ignores the Church’s approach towards Dalits, tribals in the Christian majority states of India. Untouchable churches are very popular in these areas. “Their churches had started out by encouraging converts from low castes, but after some time Syrian Christians could not stomach former untouchables sitting side by side with them on the same pews, and there had been a cleavage. Now, there were separate churches at some places, though converts were still admitted.” (Nirmala Aravind, Video, a Fridge and a Bride (novel), p. 181).

Bishop’s observation of Indian situation of a “turbulent political atmosphere which poses a threat to the democratic principles enshrined in our Constitution and the secular fabric of our nation” is a hypocritical one. His lamentation for the cause of Muslims is not sincere but intended to inflame communal turbulence. He is well aware of the condition of Christianity under the Muslim regimes from the medieval times onwards. But he is closing his eyes towards this reality in order to destabilise and balkanise mother India.  Is he satisfied with the condition of Christians in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Middle East, Egypt, China or in the Protestant Countries? Are they better than Hindu India? The freedom to issue such pastoral letter is sufficient proof of the religious freedom guaranteed by all tolerant Hindus.

The image of the Catholic Church in general, particularly in India now-a-days, is at its lowest ebb. Sr. Jesme (52), Congregation of Mother Carmel Convent (CMC), Principal of St. Marys College quit her 30 years nun life in 2008 on the ground of licentious life of in the nunneries, harassment and mental torture. She was in distress out of the “licentious life of priests and nuns”. (Sr. Jesme, Amen: The Autobiography of a Nun).

Paedophilia is the worst virus which hounds the Church all over the world.  Pope Benedict XVI accepted this truth and confessed “shock to me and great sadness”. Pope Francis started the trial of Archbishop Jozef Wesolowski (65), a Polish cleric on a charge of paedophilia.  He was placed under house arrest. He was defrocked in June. He had abused minors during 2008-13. He was charged with two counts: sexual abuse of minors and possession of child pornography. The Christian Priests in India are not above this viciousness.

The vote-bank and money power of the Church bail them out of all sins of the priests and nuns. It is the exclusive Catholic tradition that priest in the Church should be chronic bachelors. Unfortunately, the sky is the limit of their licentious life. Check and balance system of the Church do not function effectively and they are not answerable either to laity or god or inside the hierarchy of the Church. If they are in need of money, they would fulfil their requirements by looting the laity. – Organiser, 28 May 2018

» C.I. Issac is a retired Professor of History, Vice-President of the Bhartheeya Vichara Kendram, Thiruvananthapuram, and member of the Indian Council of Historical Research..

Sri Lankan Catholic priests demonstrate in support of LTTE leader Prabhakaran


Church behind the Sterlite protests – Lalita Nijhawan

Bro. Mohan C. Lazarus

Lalita NijhawanBrother Mohan C. Lazarus said, without any scientific backing, that Sterlite is a toxic factory. He said that the Church is praying to shut down the factory. He further stated that a protest will be held in Tuticorin, where all Catholics, Pentecostals, Church of South India (CSI) would unite to participate against Sterlite. – Lalita Nijhawan

The coverage by the national media of the protests in Tuticorin, Tamil Nadu, against Vedanta’s copper smelting plant has been injudicious, based on hearsay and without application of mind. A narrative has been parroted without critical examination.

It is true that protestors were killed in Tuticorin. But unfortunate and tragic as that is, did anyone bother to ask why police had to open fire? These protestors outnumbered the police force by a huge number at the collectorate; they assaulted police personnel physically, pelted them with stones, tore the clothes of female law enforcers and molested them, indulged in wanton acts of arson including setting fire to public property and indulged in an orgy of violence that threatened the safety of innocent people. Should it not be asked what forces were behind this extremely violent protest which is against every democratic norm? Was the protest sponsored or did it occur spontaneously? Who allowed the assault on police personnel and the burning of vehicles, buildings, ambulances and even setting the collectorate ablaze? Who made Tuticorin a battleground? Is death the only indicator of violence? Have we stopped condemning violence unless it results in deaths? Since when have we started celebrating protests indulge in acts of violence and destruction?

It is the absence of these questions being asked that the Opposition, led by the Congress and Communists, were quick to blame without any basis whatsoever the Narendra Modi-led Central Government rather than lay the responsibility for both the protests and the deaths of protestors in police firing at the door of the Tamil Nadu State Government which is in charge of law and order. But facts are of no consequence for those Opposition leaders who took to make wild, defamatory charges against Modi calling him a “murderer”. But then that is par for the course for the conspirators who pushed the Tuticorin protests into violence as it helped them in their goal of slinging mud at the Modi regime. Another motive could well have been to ensure the closure of the Sterlite copper smelting plant. But has anyone rationally thought about the negative effects of closing the plant? Is anyone worried about how this will affect our country’s economy and the thousands of employees who will be laid off?

The most provocative statement on the situation came from Congress chief Rahul Gandhi. Apropos of nothing in particular, he blamed the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) for the Tuticorin row, keeping in tune with his politics which begins and ends with RSS-baiting. When journalist Gauri Lankesh was murdered, Gandhi accused the Sangh of being behind the killing within half-an-hour of the shooting. When B.S. Yeddyurappa resigned as the Chief Minister of Karnataka because he couldn’t prove his majority on the floor of the House, Gandhi proclaimed he was supporting the rump JDS to “save the people from the RSS”. Rahul’s anti-Hindu bias is understandable but accusing the Sangh of being a terrorist organization is beyond the pale. In fact, the Congress-Communist cabal by baseless charges against the RSS instead of engaging in an ideological debate has ensured that the Sangh has come to represent Hindu sentiment nationwide. As a corollary, opposition to the RSS is considered ‘opposition to communalism’ and support of Islamic and Christian communalism and is termed ‘secularism’ by this cabal.

In the Tuticorin case, however, there seems to be more to it than just the reflexive blame-the-Sangh approach; a concerted attempt by the Church in those parts, supported by Gandhi and the so-called secular media, to drag the Sangh into the row is evident. The districts of Tirunelveli, Tuticorin and Kanyakumari in Tamil Nadu have the highest number of Christians and the Church has great influence on the public. It is not a coincidence that in the last two decades these districts have faced the greatest opposition to national development projects.

The Kudankulam Nuclear Power Project in Tirunelveli, which was developed in collaboration with Russia, also saw a lot of protests. America’s disdain for this project was quite evident. The then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh publicly blamed US-funded institutions for the protests against Kudankulam. The then Union Minister V. Narayanasamy alleged that Bishop Yavon Ambrose of Tuticorin received Rs 54 crore and was the key figure behind the protests. Many Christian institutions such as People’s Education for Action and Liberation, and Good Vision were on the Union Home Ministry’s radar as instigators. The Home Secretary had announced that bank accounts of four such NGOs were sealed, as money was transferred from overseas to fund national protests and incite disruption.

The Christian population in Tuticorin is close to 30 per cent and the Church has a deep impact on residents’ everyday life. The plan to expand the Sterlite copper plant was brought forward as a new addition to the scope of already ongoing disputes. Before the Sterlite plant was closed, it was producing four lakh tons of copper annually. Under the proposed expansion, which would have happened if not for the violent protests and subsequent deaths in police firing, Sterlite would have produced eight lakh tons of copper annually. If this project had gone through, almost all of India’s copper needs would have been met domestically.

According to official police reports, the Tuticorin protest has a clear foreign influence. Samarendra Das of the Foil Vedanta Group flew in from London and secretly met Sterlite protesters and assured them that he would fully support the continuation of the protests, according to police. Is it a coincidence that after the Tuticorin violence John McDonnell, a prominent leader of the Opposition Labour Party in the UK, declared that Vedanta is a rogue company and demanded it be removed from the London Stock Exchange? The discussions regarding Sterlite were used to instigate the locals of Tuticorin. Brother Mohan C. Lazarus on a YouTube video said, without any scientific backing, that Sterlite is a toxic factory. He said that the Church is praying to shut down the factory. He further stated that a protest will be held on 24 March, 2018, at Rajaji Park in Tuticorin, where all Catholics, Pentecostals, Church of South India (CSI) would unite to participate against Sterlite. Scientists of the National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (NEERI) and the National Green Tribunal (NGT) had visited Sterlite and certified that emissions were within prescribed limits. Then what have these Churches achieved by provoking people against Sterlite, claiming that pollution levels are extremely hazardous? The Kundankulam protests saw the participation of Bishop Yvon Ambroise and S.P. Udayakumar, while the Sterlite protest had Brother Mohan C. Lazarus and other churches in the surrounding area as prime movers. Is the anti-development attitude of the Church not to be questioned? If the Manmohan Singh Government could take action against such disruptive elements then why can’t the Modi Government?

Police were portrayed as villains in Tuticorin. The media narrative was overwhelmingly of trigger-happy cops going berserk; did anyone try to figure out why the police was compelled to take last-resort action? Local journalist N. Rajesh’s report says the Deputy Inspector General of Police Kapil Kumar Saratkar made elaborate arrangements at the protest venue so that activists would not reach the collectorate. Even when senior police officers were talking to protest leaders and asking them to ensure a peaceful demonstration, radical activists broke the barricades and used iron pieces from them to assault police personnel. Police responded with a lathi charge. Rajesh’s report says he and some other journalists climbed to the rooftop of a hotel opposite the collectorate to get a better sense of what was going down. At 11:30 am some protesters, who had forced their way into the collectorate, began burning vehicles. When the protestors saw that their photographs were being clicked and videos being recorded, they pelted journalists with stones. When journalists came down from the roof of the hotel some were assaulted and many had their cameras snatched.

The testimony of the collectorate employees supports Rajesh’s reportage. A female employee said that at 11.10 a.m., she was having tea in the canteen with her colleagues; about 20 minutes later they witnessed bruised and battered police personnel being chased by stone-pelting protesters. The employees were scared and didn’t know what to do, so they went back to their office for safety. Then there was a second wave of protesters when an estimated 15,000-20,000 activists entered the collectorate office. They had weapons fashioned from iron rods, glass bottles, petrol bombs and lathis. They set about destroying the office and setting fire to government vehicles. There were about 100 policemen deployed for security who tried to control the protesters and prevent them from entering the collectorate. But the protesters outnumbered the policemen by thousands. They ruthlessly attacked the policemen who ran away in fear of their lives. They then set fire to all collectorate vehicles. The entire office was filled with smoke, suffocating the employees. The protesters didn’t even spare female police personnel. They tore their clothes and molested them. There are hundreds of eye-witnesses to what transpired and they all say the same thing.

Opportunistic politicians and parties who blame police for opening fire need to be more circumspect. Any loss of life is tragic and unfortunate, but what would they have done if faced with a life-threatening situation had they had been stationed at the Sterlite plant and tasked with ensuring its safety? Should violent mobs have been allowed to create havoc and decimate Tuticorin and the copper plant? Should physical assaults on cops and government officials have been allowed? Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad compared those who died in the police firing to the martyrs of Jallianwala Bagh. Azad should be asked if the martyrs of Jallianwala were armed with stones, iron rods, lathis, petrol bombs and glass bottles and whether they chased, assaulted and attempted to kill police officers and commit arson.

The public may have a short memory but they cannot be fooled. Prior to Rahul Gandhi blaming the Sangh, and Ghulam Nabi’s comparison to Jallianwala Bagh, back in 2007 the UPA government led by Manmohan Singh had allowed the extension of the Sterlite plant. The Congress party’s blue-eyed boy and former Home and Finance Minister P. Chidambaram was a Director in Sterlite’s parent company Vedanta before becoming a minister in the UPA government. Blinded by his intense hatred for the Sangh, Rahul Gandhi has also forgotten that law and order is a state subject. There is no BJP government in Tamil Nadu, so why indirectly or directly accuse the RSS?

It is about time that the BJP, the Central Government, and especially the Union Home Ministry learn from this incident. Asking for a report on the incident is not enough. The Home Ministry has failed to investigate the conspiracy, for which it needs to work in collaboration with State Government officials, to bring out the truth. During Manmohan Singh’s regime, there were some attempts to stop radical elements in the Church harming the national interest. What is stopping the Modi Government from following suit? – The Pioneer, 1 June 2018

» Lalita Nijhawan is Director of the Nijhawan group of companies.

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