East India Company dubashis and the birth of anti-Brahminism – Vedam Gopal

East India Company official with his dubashi

East India Company Coat of Arms (1698)The Tamilian tradition of giving generous accommodation has been fully exploited by the foreigners, by trapping the greedy local groups who literally sold their own motherland to unscrupulous traders. – Vedam Gopal

Not to repeat the bad deeds of our ancestors which we come to know through true history and repeat their good deeds only are the priority duty of our younger generation.  This only will determine the true fate of our country’s future.

It is highly unfortunate that untruth and lies-galore are the basis of such false history. Culture, social justice, right without duties as a contagious disease, secularism, industrial development etc., are the false fabric of such historical mockeries. Net results are our own low self-esteem, slavish mentality, mischief-mongering, creating confusion, dis-integrating our national fervour by splitting it are the mindset of to-day’s conditions. If we refuse to digest true history, the aforesaid negative attitude will be very difficult to erase and change.

The Madras Presidency comprises of Tamilnadu, Kerala, Andhra, Karnataka, Lakshadweep Islands, Orissa and part of Maharashtra.  East India Company of Britain, Portuguese, French, Dutch, Danish, Austrian business interest colonized the Indian shores between 16th to 18th centuries. Principally Portuguese in Goa, French people in Pondicherry, and Madras, Calcutta, Mumbai were controlled by the British. The autocratic rule of the Portuguese and British overlords by spear-leading religion, killing the innocents, loot of the treasures is the true face of such plunderers.

The tabulation below was presented in an article, “Indic Mercantile Collaboration with Abraham Invaders” (Bharata Bharati, 6th April 2017). In the article selfish groups of merchants who collaborated with foreigners are only given. No mention had been made about the dubashis who brokered between the foreigners and local merchants.

Collaborators

In the 16th century Tamilnadu was the leading state in business across the oceans. The foreigners who were well aware of such back-drop began to plunder the country like the modern-day NGO’s, corporate camouflaged as global business and software giants. For both the sorry state of affairs is the product of our meek submissions. We never read that the travails of history are the sorry state of affairs. A little room given to such foreigners turned into an over looking situation of which tactics they are adept.

The Tamilian tradition of giving enormous accommodation has been fully exploited by the foreigners, by trapping the greedy local groups who literally sold their own motherland to unscrupulous traders. Yes, such are the open secrets of our weak history. One such avatar is the contribution of the dubashis. The word dubashi is Hindi or Sanskrit or Persian is still a controversy. Some says the Chennai term dubakoor (born liar) is the forerunner of dubashi.  The people who in the beginning doing the translator job between foreign and local traders slowly began to turn into brokers. Cheap local procurement and undue profits from foreign elements were chief ways of expanding their assets. With their British and French fervour, their dressing and cultural habits followed suit. Also did they undertake the cooking, washing, shaving ordeals of the alien households and proved their servitude? There were even dubashi who attended the personal requirements of the governor’s female clan. Also these suited servants arranged for wine parties and visit there with full suit crossing the board kept written as “Dogs And Indians Are Not Allowed”. This base attitude has been truly delineated by Vaithi of  Thillana Mohanambal fame.

Apart from this, assisting in land distribution, maximising the revenue, creating artificial shortage of essentials and engaging in food grain distribution with greedy profits, colluding with governors themselves in looting the treasury and getting caught and punished legally are the shameless traits of such selfish groups. Many enjoyed the grandeur of bungalows with huge gardens and revelled like anything. Building mansions like colonial officials, purchasing estates, spending the ill-gotten wealth in temple building activities as a social cover up, turning into trustees of the temples in Chennai Rajadani with the governor’s connivance. Celebrating the kumbhabishekams, marching on horse, elephant and palanquin with melam, nadasuram and band vadiyam. To have grandiose name patronage of musicians and dancers, as also devouring the temple properties in devious ways. Running lending banks and giving loan even to foreign traders. Initially procuring plots in their native village and becoming mirasdar.  Extending the plots further in the surrounding villages and becoming jamindar. Their greed did not stop here and they extended their plots in more villages and becoming inamdar (no need to pay any tax and permitted to collect tax from the villagers). Sometime in the absence of governors took acting governor job and collected undue taxes from the local merchants and not paid into the treasury. Also dubashis served the Nawabs as well and cunningly created rift between the British and Nawabs with selfish advancements.    

An English circular describes the dubashi as follows: Much has been said about these monsters, but it is impossible to say too much until the whole race of them both with the English jargon and without it, are entirely eradicated. They will correspond with your enemies, they will plunder you of your property and after they have enriched themselves at your expenses, they will throw you into jail. All currency is in their hands, hoarded up and lost to the state.” (C. G. Heyne in his tracts.)

A few among such people were of a philanthropist nature with benevolent attitude.  

After the fall of Vijayanagar Empire, Tamilnadu turned into a chaotic land. There were Mogul invaders, the European traders with long-grabbing greed, conversions taking their toll, the palaiakarars misbehaving like clan chieftains and becomes local mutineer’s order of the day. Thalavai Arianada Mudaliar served efficiently for three generations of Vijayanagar Empire.   

“Chola times Brahmins administered the sabahs of villages as autonomous socio-political units. The pre-Vijayanagar polity of the Tamils was permissive of such autonomy while the imperialist policy of all the governments from Vijayanagar downwards spelt the ruin of these semi-autonomous villages.”

Arianada Mudaliar created 72 pallayams after dissolving the grama sabah which was controlled by the Brahmins. Some of his own community people were appointed as palaiakarars. Because of utter disunity of these palaiakarars, Kattabomman was complicitly handed over to the British by Ettappan and Vijaya Raghunatha Thondaiman. Ramalinga Mudaliar – Dubashi – Major Banerman. This man only showed the secret passage of the Panchlankurichi Fort enabling the British to completely demolish it to the ground level. The internal clash of the Pandian kings, one brother went to north and approached Maalikhafur’s help. This paved the way for interference of Moguls’ in Tamilnadu’s ruling clan.  

One Maruda Nayagam Pillai converted to Islam alias Yusuf Khan was an ordinary sepoy who by his clever and powerful maneuvers was in the good books of the palaiakarars, Moguls and English alike to such an extent. Thus became the ruler of Madurai. But was discretely handed over to the British by the Moguls and was finally hanged to death. Like Tipu Sultan, Yusuf Khan is also hailed as a patriot (freedom fighter) who fought against the British. His life history was to be portrayed by our Kamal Hasan through silver screen and is yet to see the light of the day.

The invasion and colonization of the British was mainly in Madras, to-day’s Chennai sea front. The land was called Armagon probably called so because it was acquired from one Arumuga Mudaliar. Here they built a small fort. It can well be called a battery of godowns (Clive Battery).  It was also called Durgarayapattinam. What I presume is to-day Armenian street was Armagon and to-days Royapuram might be Durgarayapattinam.

Thaniappa Mudaliar, otherwise known as Lazurus Trimorthy, of the Agambadi Mudali (Vellala) caste who was a founder (?) of the French East India Company in Pondicherry, died on the twenty-first day of Chittrai (month) of Promodhuta (year) corresponding to the current year 1691 A.D. He lies interned in St. Andrew’s Church, Chennapatnam (Madras).

He was converted as Christian in Mylapore, thereafter was called Lazurus Motha, Francois Martin was the priest who recommended, thereby he went to Pondicherry. He was the enabler for the French settlers in the year 1673-74. He served there for 40 years and died at Madras. An epitaph has been written about him by Francois Martin. The descendent of Thaniappa Mudaliar also were dubashis for the French. His son Muthappa alias Antonio was helpful in bringing the Indian weavers to Pondicherry.  His son Kanakaraya Mudaliar (alias Peary) was helpful in mint facility. He was instrumental in acquiring and acceding Karaikal to French. Whether the Lazurus Church at Luz was built in memory of (Lazurus Trimorthy) is not yet corroborated.

The situation obtaining at Tamilnadu at that time: “The important cultivating class was Tamil Vellalars. They are not only important part of rural population but also they were employed in government service, particularly the village revenue collectors (karnams) and in trade and commerce. Districts like Tanjavur and Trinellvellai Vellalas were very orthodox in religious practice, some time even more than a Brahmin. The Vellalas were for the most part concentrated in the inland areas west of the city of Madras, particularly the districts of Coimbatore, Salem and North Arcot. They were also large numbers in south in Trinellvelli district. One description of the Vellalas position in Coimbatore characterized them as ‘truly the backbone of the district’ It is these who by their industry and frugality create and develop wealth, support the administration, and find the money for imperial and district demands.

“As their own proverb says ‘The Vellalar’s goad is the ruler’s scepter” Because the Vellalas were so widely diffused throughout Tamil area, they could not protect themselves against several of sub groups (jatis) who called themselves Vellalas but whose origin was among groups considerably inferior to the Vellalas in social position. Accounts of the emergence of Vellalas as important landholders in Madurai and other districts indicate that they achieved this position only under British rule, usually by ousting their Telugu counterparts the Kapu or Reddi cultivators, who had previously migrated into the area. At the start of the 20th century, the great landholding cast group in Madras was the Vellalas in the Tamil area.  (Politics and Social Conflict in South India by Eugene F. Irschick.)

Largest group of dubashis serving during 1650 to 1850 were the Mudaliars and Pillaimars is a historical fact. Later certain Telugu Brahmins and Komatti Chettiyars were also serving as dubashis.  The Vellalars were keenly inclined to be in the good books of the British and Christian lords, thereby getting enough influence and favors that were their sole aim. Several of them converted into Christianity. The bust of a converted Vellala Coho is still there in Pondicherry church complex. First time one Arumuga Navalar a Vellala of Sri Lanka wrote the Bible in Tamil. The Madras University and Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam was nicknamed the Mudaliar Munnetra Kazhagam. Here for a period of 27 years Dr. Lakshmanaswamy Mudaliar was the vice-chancellor.  In the guise of literature and historical research Vellallas collaborating with Christian contaminating authenticated facts and written text books and propagating bogus information as facts. Their sole aim was to divide the Hindu religion, turn Tamil people mood against nationality, to separate the Brahmins against Tamilians, etc.   

Typical examples of some people who have contributed for adulterated history, culture and literature are Devaneya Paavaner, Aappa Duraiyar, and Deivanayakam Pillai (all converted Christian). This man Deivanayakam Pillai said in one of his research paper that saint Thiruvalluvar was a disciple of apostle Thomas and these Dravidian idiot’s are keeping mum. Others in the list are Manonmaniam Sundaranar, Venkata Challapathy, Kanakasabai Pillai, Aravanan, Marai Malai Adikal, Bharathidasan, Kundrakudi Adikalar — the list goes endlessly. This Vellalar muting is not only in Tamilnadu, the same muting in Sri Lanka is the root cause of countless number of innocent Tamils killed in the undeclared civil war recently. The main reason is changing faith and colluding with Christians.   

Why at all they served as dubashis? 1) Trading benefits; 2) The short route of brokering without investment; 3) The socially backward class were keen in getting converted and serve the British (slave mentality); 4) Joining the military of the foreign forces; 5) In the village administration cornering the karnam and other positions. The Tamil Brahmins never engaged such devious tactics. But later on, even the Brahmin joined the bandwagon and overtook the caste Hindus. But the race was won by the tortoise as the saying goes.  At that period, the group that was close to the British Madras Presidency was Ananda Rangam Pillai, Sunku Rama Chetty, Muthu Krishna Mudaliar, Narayana Pillai etc., of which Brahmins did not partake.   

1841 was the year the high school (Macaulay’s education) system was started. 1853 was the year of the first college. 1857 was the year of the first university reforms and regulations. 1857 to 2017 for 160 years, if three generation were involved, in the first generation the Brahmins were the lead group of literate in the city. They never interrupted anybody from learning. Legally they stood for social upliftment. The second generation saw the Brahmins were lagging behind. Reason being the Justice Party, Pachaiappa’s College, Christian College and Madras University were the fortress of the Mudaliars and a few caste Hindus. Their contribution just ruined the Tamil language, for two generations were doctored  about Tani Tamil, Tamizhan religion and Hindu religion are different, Dravida Nadu are the alibis for twisting the literary, cultural and historical facts. Anti-Brahmanism was the main aim fueling the hate and untouchability clashes, ruining the Tamil fabric is their only contribution. After Independence in the name of reservation, they have isolated the Brahmins from pillar to post and who are at the threshold of Tasmac.  In the capital city of Delhi one Brahmin Trust SULAB is operating public toilets and poor Brahmins are working there as scavengers, in the railway stations Brahmins are doing coolies job, a few Brahmin ladies driving auto rickshaw in Chennai and in the interior Tamilnadu one Brahmin girl took the job of burial in the cemetery. Now I hope that anti-Brahmin caste Hindus hearts may be cooled with joy.     

Only after the British expanded their trading activities, colonizing many areas and turned into ruling class, the Indian Civil Service enrolled the Brahmins as clerks, accountant, lawyers, advocates and judges etc., and not as dubashi.

Brahmins role as Dubash and their influence seems to have been disproportionate to their actual number in the company services. Mostly Telugu and Marati Brahmins who have former trading tie with Europeans and some had family ties with earlier Muslim rulers. Most of the Dubash are Tamil Vellalars, Pillai, Yadava and Chetty. Initially Tamil Brahmins are reluctant to have personal service with Europeans, instead accepted some bureaucratic or scholarly positions with the company.”

At that time backward caste and Brahmins were poor. The high caste Hindus were rich land lords, temple trustees, owners of many tenants in the city. They were not ready to take up the government jobs. The poor Brahmin took the lead. They were not jealous about the prosperous caste Hindus and never blamed them at all. This situation prevailed for a short span of time and the Britishers were also aware it. Also the Britishers were afraid of the high numbers of Brahmin involvement in the freedom fight. Hence they started issuing circulars to put hurdles in their advancement. Also they sowed the seeds of Arya/Dravida ethnic clashes.   

“During 1853, the British found the virtual monopoly of a single caste in public service. The revenue establishment in Nellore district was controlled by 49 Brahmins and all from the same family. Collectors should be careful to see that the subordinate appointments in their districts are not monopolized by members of a few influential families. Endeavour should always be made to divide the principal appointments in each district among several caste. (Proceedings of the Board of Revenue 9.3.1854. Similar type of notification was issued during the years 1857, 1907).

Lamentation of Sri Lankan Tamil (Pulambal): “During British rule the Jaffna Vellalas were favored by the British and the Vellalas became doctors, engineers, lawyers. Judges and civil servants throughout Ceylon. There was near total domination by the Vellalars in education and employment throughout Sri Lanka. Even in Sinhala areas the Vellalas dominated. The Sinhalese became angry and jealous but since they did not know the difference between Vellalas and non-Vellalas, they turned their ire on the entire Tamil community. The hapless non-Vellalas had incurred the wrath of the Sinhalese and had to suffer because of the misdeeds of the Vellalas. As a consequence of this the civil war erupted. So it is the Vellalas who are responsible for the plight of the Tamils.”

First of all this Mudali, Pillai and Vellala are not caste.  Mudali means: first rank in everything. During the Vijayanagar rule the king gave this Mudali title to army general Ariyanadan. Similarly Pillai title also given to certain people related to king’s families, some say it came from Kanaku Pillai (village clerk), in the web search lot of abuse information’s are available and the title’s origin not yet established. Likewise the word Vellala is derailed from the word vellanmai. During Sangam period vellanmai means: hosting and serving the guest. Thus the word vellanmai become Vellala caste of landlords and farmers. Like this it is very difficult to find out the base root of certain Tamil caste. There is a fight still going on in Tamilnadu to claim the ruling class status from almost all the communities except Brahmin. If we type Mudaliar Archives in Wiki, you will find one discussion panel comprising all the sub caste of Vellalas fighting each other with lot of evidence to establish who is ruling class, who is devadasi class, etc., and it runs countless number of pages.     

Puthiya Tamizhaham leader Mr. Krishnaswamy says in Vellalar group there are 153 sub castes and he suggests and recommends all sub caste groups to add Vellalar, Mudaliar title along with their group name at the end. He gives us examples also. Thuluva Vellalar to add Mudaliar in the bracket, Sengunther to add Mudaliar in the bracket, Senai Thalaiver to add Mudaliar in the bracket.  Likewise Pillaimar to add Vellalar in the bracket, Sozheya Vellalar to add Vellalar in the bracket, Karkatha Vellalar to add Vellalar in the bracket, Kodikal Vellalar to add Vellalar in the bracket. 

For a long duration in Tamil History the Vellalars were very close and had cordial relationship with Brahmins and treated them with respect. The same treatment was given to Brahmins by other Tamil caste people also. During the start of Vijayanagar Empire the rift between Brahmins and Vellalas started. Vellalas included Nayakers (Vanniyars) in the army and along with Vadugars they started distancing from Brahmins which took wild shape during British time and gave birth to separate Dravida Nadu excluding Brahmin. This Vellalas, Vadugars, Vaniyar combination strength in Tamilnadu is more than +15%. And minorities support them always. Without the mindset change of these Dravidian Donk…s, it is very difficult to bring the Tamil masses into the national stream. To know more about Vellalars twisting of history, culture and literature please visit website of South Indian Social History Research Institute by authors Mr. S. Ramachandran and Mr. Pravaahan. Here lot of articles with literary evidences denying the twisted theories of Vellalars and other Dravidian supporters, tearing them into gossip pieces.                                               

List of Dubashis

List of dubashis on record, their heirs and relations who for the last three generations were eking out a living and available names are as follows:

  1. Ananda Rangan Pillai – Dubashi & Trader – French Governor Joseph Francois Duplex – Pondicherry – 1726 – his diary is a worthwhile and important historical document – Thiruvenkadam Pillai’s son – his close associate was Naina Pillai – he was punished for colluding with Governor and lost his life in jail – a relative of this person is – Kuruva Pillai – in a  similar accusation of conceit with Governor – escaped and sought refuge in France and converted to Christianity – Bharathi and many other poets have eloquent praise about Ananda Rangan Pillai.
  2. Petro Kanakaraya Mudaliar – Broker & Dubashi – French East India Co. – for 24 years (1722 to 1746) – converted to Christianity – his bust is installed in Pondy St. Andrews Church – he was the builder of the church also – he has arranged common community feast many times – his coffin was imported from France and carried him in his last procession – the mansion built by him is now maintained by ASI – father Danappa Mudaliar – first dubashi of French – Christian convert – translated Thirukural in French
  3. Vallal Pachiappa Mudaliar – Dubashi & Trader – Philanthropies  – between the ages of 16 to 21 amassed huge fortunes in his profession – Henry Pony, Thomas Pony were Mayor Brothers for whom he had worked – first Indian to write a WILL for his property/wealth – he had two wives from different castes – his property was locked for 40 years in legal battle – then a trust was created for a value of approximately Rs. 4500 cores – so say Wiki: “As the 1990s dawned, it was reported that the Trust was worth over 4,500 cores, one of the biggest in that part of the world. Apart from administering religious charities from Kanyakumari to Varanasi, it ran six colleges, a polytechnic and 16 schools in Tamil Nadu, helped several medical facilities and owned several properties in the State.” Without any Christian influence started first Hindu college (Pachaiappa’s). ¶ Ramanuja Kavirayar has written a Panchatchara Maala about him – A simple man in life, he bathed in Cooum River and worshipped Komaleeswarar routinely – Kanchipuram Ekambareswarar Temple received enormous funds from him; his form etched in a pillar can be viewed even to-day – he was also trustee of several temples – a facsimile stamp was released by Indian Postal Department – donated Rs. 4.5 lacs for Hindu religious entities – Rs. 7.5 lakhs for Hindu student English education – every day free food distribution to poor people and Brahmins was one of his routine charity at Komaleeswarar Temple – he built choultry and agraharams – gave donation for the renovation of Chidambaram Temple – he helped Brahmins to visit religious places like Kasi, Rameswaram – in his WILL he mentioned about 30 charitable houses built by him – his friends Iyaa Pillai and Muniya Pillai were also dubashis – one of his student Narayana Pillai was the dubashi for Mayors Henry Bouni and Thomas Bouni.
  4. Avadanam Pappaia – Telugu Brahmin with knowledge of Persian and French – 1789 – worked under John Holland and Edward Holland the Governor’s brothers – his collusion with the Governor was exposed – lost his position along with Governor – a street in Choolai is named after him as “Pappa Theru” – Scotland’s one Walter wrote about his misdemeanors in a novel called The Surgeon’s Daughter – has worked for Thomas Parry as well – was in a good terms with Arcot Nawabs – the case went on but no record of punishment is there.
  5. For over 66 years a Telugu Brahmin Rayasum Pappaia, his brother and his son Vayasum Venkatachalam were chief dubashis of the St. George Fort.
  6.  Likewise Nal Vellala Manali Muthukrishna Mudaliar’s family were the dubashis from mid 1700 to the beginning of 1800 – he was assistant to Governor Picot – his son Venkatakrishna Mudali also continued to serve as dubash – the Britishers demolished a temple in the present high court complex – thereafter he brokered with British and earned a lot from it – then he bought a land and invested money and then built the Chennakesava Perumal Temple in Flower Bazar – also the Mallekeswarar Temple in nearby area. ¶ In 1785 Manali Muthukrishanan invited carnatic singer Ramaswamy Dikshadar to Madras – he patronized the family as well – his sons were Muthuswamy, Chinnaswamy & Baluswamy – of the three Muthuswamy Dikshadar later became famous as one of the three carnatic musical stalwarts – Muthuswamy Dikshadar has written 40 Sanskrit kirtans – because of his influence with British rulers, Venkatakrishna Mudaliar used to take Dikshadar along with him to the Fort – after watching the band performance the Dikshadar brought out the idea of including violin in Carnatic music – Muthuswamy Dikshadar beginning to observe keenly the violin music format – only thereafter he wrote the 40 Sanskrit kirtans – these Sanskrit kirtan are till date called the English Notes – Muthukrishan Mudaliar died in 1792 – however his son Venkatakrishnan continued the support to Dikshadar family and rendered all help.
  7. Raja – Sir – Chevalier – Rao Bahadur – S. Ramaswamy Mudaliar – Dubashi – Dymes & Co – amassed wealth within a short span of time – but his father was a building contractor gave yellow notice on insolvency and died – Ramaswamy Mudaliar was a member of Indian National Congress – went to England – he served as the 158th Madras Sheriff – he was also member of the facilitation committee of the 50th anniversary of King Edward (7) & Queen Alexandria – but he did not go to London – he established a choultry near Chennai Central – built health centers at Royapuram and Thirukazhukundram – built a children’s hospital at Cuddalore.
  8. Kovur Sundresa Mudalior – Dubashi – East India Co. – his mansion-house is in Black Town – he was an ardent lover of Thiga Iyer kirtanas – he invited him to his house – there he wrote 5 kirtanas – the starting stanza of Kovur Sundaresa song is very famous – this is the name of Lord Siva of Kovur – but still some controversy lies about whom for this song was sung.        
  9. Kumarappa Mudaliar – Dubashi – Governor Thomas Sanderson (1749).
  10. Poondamaali Thuluva Vellala – Dubashi Family – Subu Devanyaka Mudaliar was the trustee of Chennai Nunkambakkam Agasthiar Temple – a big framed portrait work of him is still in the temple hall – his grandfather has served as dubash under Iyarcoat an army officer (1720).
  11. Ramalinga Mudaliar – Dubashi – Major Bannerman – the one who sent Kattabomman to the gallows.
  12. Vandalur Venkatanarayana Pillai – Dubashi – Charles Bouchier (1767) and also George Strattaon (1776).
  13. Thuluva Vellala Kesava Mudaliar – Dubashi – Temple Trustee – 1700.
  14. Elam Babu Vellala – Dubash Family – acquired many villages and formed estate
  15. Thottikalai Kesava Mudaliar family – Dubashi & Jamindars
  16. Vayalur Kulantee Veera Perumal Pillai – Dubashi – Governors – Thomas Rumbolt (1778) – Lord George Macartny (1781) – Sir Archibold Cambel (1786) – in his WILL of 1793 has written about the Sri Hari Kota estate and Indamdar lands.
  17. Ponna Pillai – Dubashi – 1804 – lost his family in fire accident in cotton stock-up godown.
  18. Nota Vayal Narayana Pillai – Dubashi – Madras Council – Governor Charles Bouchier – also for some more time under George Powney (1750) – he was also called Powney Narayana Pillai.
  19. Venkatrangan Pillai – Dubashi – George Powney – was accused of corrupt practices – a grain godown at Black Town – a Garden House at Thondaiyarpet – a series of tenements at Muthaialpet & Triplicane.
  20. One Thuluva Vellala family man of Ponneri Taluq Mootia Mudaliar (probably Muthaiah Mudaliar) – he has served as dubashi in East India Company’s military secretariat for 40 years – his sons were also served as such for some more time – in the beginning of the 18th century one of his son was awarded the title of “Principal Native Manager & Record Keeper”.
  21. Vandalur Venkatachalam Pillai – Dubashi – (1687) – Governor Elhi Yale – his son dubashi – (1740) – Governor Morse – two of his uncles were dubashis at the time of Warren Hastings – Venkatachalam Pillai was also in the good terms with Nawab Mohamed Ali – there is a written family biography of their servitude.
  22. The first dubashi of Binny & Co. was Challappa Vekatachala Mudaliar.
  23. Paappa Pillai – Dubashi – Madam Duplex – French East India Co. – Kuruva Pillai – French Dubashi – Alakanada Pillai – First dubashi of East India Co. – has donated profusely to Mallikeswarar & Ekambareshwarar Temples.
  24. Some other dubashis are – Sunka Rama Cheey, Kalavai Chetty, Kalastri Chetty & Thibu Chetty.
  25. Beri Dimmappa – Dubashi – Governors – Francis Day – Andre Gogan – he has donated to Chenna Kesava Perumal Temple and Mallikeswarar Temple – his son Beri Venkatadri built the Guindy Lodge i.e. the present Raj Bhavan.
  26. Chinna Tambi Mudaliar – Dubashi & Trader – Madras Port – his three wives had each two children – all were dubashi & jamindar.
  27. Kupuswamy Mudaliar & Sons (1840 – 1911) – Dubashi & Traders.
  28. Devan Bahadur V.Shanmuga Mudaliar (1874) – Dubashi & Trader. 
  29. Muthu Mudaliar (1790) – Dubashi – Nawab Umarathullah.
  30. Chidambaram Ramaswamy Mudaliar -Purasawakkam – Dubashi & Liquor Trader – London Gazatte.
  31. Divan Bhadur C.Natesa Mudaliar – Doctor – served as dubashi at Gorden Woodroffe Co. for some time – fore runner of the Dravidian Movement.
  32. P. T. Lee Chengalvaraya Naicker – Sabedar Major in British Army – conferred the title of “Lee” – Dubashi – Chand & Co. – there are many schools and trusts in his name.
  33. Vempakkam Krishna Iyer (his nickname is Kabal Krishnan) – Dubashi – Grain Merchant – in 1820 engaged in salt business near Masulipatinam – his son Vempakkam Raghavachari (1834) – got high post in police as deputy superintendent. 
  34. Even C. N. Annadurai first joined as dubashi to support EVR – more details about the various dubashis is not readily available. If we get it it will be a very long list

Mudali Street Names in Chennai

Appu Mudali Street, Adanjan Mudali Street, Solaiappa Mudali Street, Sadiappa Mudali Street, Naattu Subbaraya Mudali Street (all in Mylapore). C. S. Mudali Street, Ayalur Muthaiah Mudali Street (Ch-79), Pachaiappa Mudali Street, Manar Mudali Street, Devaraja Mudali Street (Ch-1), Gangadara Mudali Street (Ambattur), Lakshmana Mudali Street, General Muthaiah Mudali Street, Mannarappa Mudali Street, Veeraragha Mudali Street, Damodara Mudali Street, Daanappa Mudali Street, Narayana Mudali Street (Ch-1), Ponnaappa Mudali Street, Bemasena Mudali Street, Vadivelu Mudali Street (Ambattur), Thoppai Mudali Street, Iya Mudali Street(Ch-1), Thambi Mudali Street (Ch-1), Perumal Mudali Street (Ch-2),  Ganapathy Mudali Street (Ambattur), Vinayaka Mudali Street, Strontton Muthaiah Mudali Street, Periannan Mudali Street (Seven Wells), Thaniappa Mudali Street (Parrys), Anantavelu Mudali Street (Perampur), Prakasham Mudali Street (Ch-17), Kandapa Mudali Street (Sowcarpet), V. S. Mudali Street (Saidapet), Kuppu Muthu Mudali Street (Triplicane), Mallan Ponnappa Mudali Street (Triplicane), Krishappa Mudali Street (Triplicane), Balakrishna Mudali Street (Mambalam), Talakulam Mudali East Street (Anna Nagar), Venkatachala Mudali Street (Mint), Babu Mudali Street, Elaia Mudali Street (Jafarkhanpet), Thulasinga Mudali Street (Perambur).

Thus among the street names in Chennai, I guess, there may be more than 25% named after Mudaliars. Why such caste names have been removed intently is bright and clear. Even English people’s street names have also being gradually changed. Other than Mudali street names, other caste people’s name also popular in Chennai streets. But rarely can you see more than one house owned by other castes notable figure name in such streets and yet they were called after them. A majority of Mudaliars were small traders yet they owned at least 5 to 10 houses in each street.  Their rental income was their main source of livelihood. How did they acquire such large number of houses? These were the groups started first constructing small hall in the front portion of their houses and renting it for petty shops in the residential area. Wearing dark bordered dhotis and moving about holding murasoli and viduttalai papers are symbols of their pedantry lifestyle.

Dravidianism and Anti-Brahmanism

From Sangam Age up to Vijayanagar Kingdom was establishment, there was no big caste rivalries, cultural clashes in Tamilnadu. Kalappirar’s suppression was possible only because of caste and cultural unity is an open truth seen by everyone. Nayanmars and Alwars constituted from all castes shows their literary prowess.  Among Nayanmars, 13 were Vellalars. Ramayana fame Kambar, Peria Puranam fame Sekkizhar and Ottakuthar were Vellalars. All the aforesaid dubashi should have been adequately literate to do as such popular jobs. The caste Hindus who fought along with Brahmins in the Independence Movement were they not literate?

Even Adi Shankara, the supreme realization propagator of Brahma Jnana who as confronted and asked a Puliya to clear his way, when he put out the question of asking him “to move aside with his body or soul”, was instantly enlightened and sang the Maneesha Pancha Ratna. Appothi Adigal was Brahmin, Thirunavukarasar was a Vellala. Even without seeing him he named his name for the following, cow and calf, utensils for cooking, annadanam service, and water pandals. Paada Puja without physically seen him when he visited his abode, his son went out to pluck plantain leaves for his feast and bitten by a snake, hiding the incident he served the food. All this reveal not an iota of caste or cultural differences. Likewise Ramanuja is a Brahmin and Thirukacha Nambi is a Vellala, did he not cleanse his feet and show his devotion. Brahmin Madura Kavi Alwar’s de facto guru was Vellala Nammalvar. Thirugnana Sambandar always kept along with him Thiruneelakanda Yazhpanar to accompanying him with Yazh music in spite of the latter being from untouchable caste. U. Ve. Sa. is a Brahmin, did he not devoutly study Tamil under Meenakshi Sundaram Pillai. And we can add many such queer combinations.

East India Co. was wound up and the official British Rule was functioning from 1858 only. Even prior to this, land ceiling, stoppage of money flow from the treasury, withdrawal of post and titles (Sir, Rao, Bahadur, Diwan, Jamindar, Mirasdar, Inamdar, Lee, Bethro and Chevalier). All who ruled the roost were affected enormously. Also these Dravidian hawks were as devout as Brahmins, wearing cross threads, tilaks, rudrakshas and panchakacha etc., but dramatically changed wearing trim black coat, wearing the foul-smelling jaree turban and angavastram to please the Britishers. Later Brahmins were also copying the same fashion is true. Brahmin’s who quickly mastered English were the much sought after.

After seizure of several government jobs, political influence and governing prowess got a beating. Freedom movement of the congress was widely supported by Brahmin strength and their resounding influence only created jealous cleaving of other Hindus. This was their greatest disappointment. Until yesterday, the Brahmins who eked out a living by seeking alums by writing poems about land lord’s hospitality and philanthropic acts (Bharati also wrote like this on several occasions due to his poor condition, half-heartedly), Brahmins clad the VIP with parivattam  and poornakumbham whenever they visit temple to felicitate. Now because of their English education sitting in all higher post of government as advocates, judges, and dictating terms to others’ lives. This ended up with unlimited jealousy and unscrupulous twisted tongues began to fuel the anti-Brahmin temper. (The learned caste Hindus abuses are given in later paragraphs below). They shamelessly began to wag their tails around the English lordship. The people who served under these upper caste Hindus also followed their master’s footprints pitiably.        

The Brahmins, the most wanted one for powerful governing services. As soon as he took the freedom flag in his hand, the British totally shaken and began to pull down his meritorious services by cunningly ruining his friendship circle, adopted the divide and rule weapon of Brahmin and non-Brahmin, Arya and Dravida dramatics. Also in the census before 1871 Britishers mentioned Vellalars as Chur Shudra and sowed the seeds of hatred, i.e. the tactics of British. Apart from this out of 30 core of India’s population, British brought 7 cores of people under the Criminal Tribes Act. In the 1911 population census they branded 1) Hindus, 2) Spirit Worshippers & Adivasis, 3) Outcastes (Untouchables). Yes? This was the portrayal of our country. First time the word “untouchable” was coined by the British administration in the census record. (Even from Purana period this type of separatism was there but all the time lot of Hindu monks and social leaders attempted to minimize the difference and to some extent they were successful also). To accuse the Brahmins of all such absurdity is clearly unreasonable.

The Brahmins sure did have an inherent class unity, to up-lift the poor and suffering lot the men in power did help adequately.  This was evident not only during their predominant period even when Mr. Baktavatsalam ruled started filling large government postings with Vellalars. Even Periyar was anti-Brahmin, anti-Mudaliar, and anti-Malyalee, and anti-minority stirs were frequently conducted.

The class/clan affinity of Brahmins was for superior to die-caste hatred stance of some Hindu caste mongers.  That is why even this day the Dalits are suppressed. Brahmins lived on isolation whereas some caste Hindus totally kept them away. The aforesaid two attitudes are basically and substantially different. With such isolation only can the Brahmins continue his ordained religious duties? As relationship and societal influence will alter one’s basic qualities, this he has always duty bound to insulate himself.   

“In Tamil Nadu the Brahmins represented in 1891 only 3% of the population and were concentrated in the Kaveri delta. Correlatively, Tamil society was more fragmented and fluid. If the Vellalas – a caste of Shudra cultivators claiming the statute of Kshatriya – represented 12.42% of the population, no caste, even not this one, extended its domination over more than one district. In fact, in most districts the Vellalas shared the dominance with warrior castes, migrated from Andhra Pradesh between the 15th and the 18th century and with castes of craftsmen and merchants.”

Vellalars should be called “vaishyas“, this was suggested in Varuna Chindamani, a literary piece published by Kanaka Sabai Pillai. For this Bharathiar wrote a poem as a preface or forward. He deeply supported such a stance of Vellalars. Professor Manonmaniam Sundaram Pillai also stubbornly opposed the word “shudra”. The fragrant flower of the Dravidians is the Vellalars, he declared. Shankarachariyar called the Vellalars as shudra was a common accusation. That was why Brahmin’s also openly call them as such, that was another charge. Sekkizhar, the Vellala author of Periyapuranam, calls himself proudly as “Sar Shudra” caste. The rise and influence of Buddhism, Jainism and the long foreign domination of the soil was the backdrop of such discriminating practices of varnasrama which went out of sight of our culture several centuries ago. To rekindle such abhorrent practices with ulterior motives of dividing the peace of the society atmosphere is absurd. Whether a Brahmin or a Vellala, who ever does it is totally unjustified. The greatest folly and mockery of the situation is the Vellala, who accused the Brahmin for varnasrama system, sought the status of vaishya in that abhorrent varna steps.  To-day no one calls anyone as shudra.  Brahmins calls others as non-Brahmins. Even after the disappearance of these shudra castigations, parpan, parayan and parpana budhi, para budhi which are still alive and who are responsible for such mean stances. Where did the other caste mongers budhi run and hide?  

In 1917, Pitty Thiagaraja Chetty, in the Justice Party first conference said that “Brahmins who without following their ordained tradition of religious practices, were well learned in English and thereby usurped governing jobs, advocates and judges positions and mastering the art of inquiry and dictating terms for others was his basic grudge. They should revert back to their traditions of Veda adhyayana under a banyan tree or riverfront, performing homams & offering ahudis, receive and give alms, continue their spiritual inquiry and then would the other communities slowly learn the administration techniques in phased manner and come up in life.  If not the Brahmins are the real stumbling block in the latter’s advancement and livelihood.”

Apart from this, Vellalar Vedachalam alias Maraimalai Adigalar, once in a Nellore public speech (1923, March 22) openly stated that Brahmins influence in this area is alarming. “Oh when will the Brahmins go out of sight from India without a trace of their foot prints?”         

In 1917, Ra. Pi. Sethu Pillai repeated “Ozhukkam udaimai kudimai izhukkam  izhinda pirappay vidum”, and while explaining the meaning of this kural he poured venomous condemnation of Brahmins. At present day our people own earned money are not spent for the education of their children instead, spending the money for the welfare of vadiar parpan foolishly without any thought process. Caste, kula divisions and difference are the creation of Brahmins is a great drawback to our country’s advancement, these one and all should perceive. Can anyone continue to feed venomous snakes or dare to cure a tiger from diseases? Is there anyone like that in the world? Did anyone give weapons to the enemy whose sole aim is to kill us? The sermons go like this!

Such were the venomous outpouring of even the well-educated and elite groups who took staunch anti-Brahmin hegemony. Yes literates, prominent poet and adinamada heads were also included in the hate campaign.

In Vellala caste plenty of gems of people contributed to Tamil literature, culture and religion. Starting from Kamban, Ottakoothar, Sekkizhar, Va. U. Se, Thillaiadi Valliammai, Shanbhaharaman, 13 Nayanmars and the list goes endlessly. Once Tamilnadu was in the forefront for whole of India in guiding principles. Such people’s heirs now engaged in all false propagandas due to alien brain wash. People called Rajaji as the conscience of Gandhi but the Dravidian people call C. N. Annadurai who wrote Kambarasam and calling him as South Indian Gandhi. Why such countless literate and ill-literate filthy stuff always claiming Dravidian superiority and roaming still is my anguish. Such were the venomous outpouring of Dravidians who took staunch anti-Brahmin hegemony.  

Now anti-Brahmanism is a blunt-edged sword. So anti-Vadugars, Tani Tami Desiyam is the perpetrators of Dravidian hawks. Their basic claims are 1) “Achieve Dravidanadu or else Sudukadu” — yes this slogan only got buried and dropped the Dravidanadu; 2) “Duty, Dignity & Self Respect” — everything lost its charm and thrown to the winds like a kite now catches thread of power, positions and title are the dominant social fervor. Dravidians, whose object anti-Brahmanism was the feeding stock of the profounder, prostrated before a Brahmin lady. Even after her death, the Dravidians just to retain in power still shamelessly saluting the lady who got a jail number award in the court case for illegal wealth.

References

  1. The Dubashes of Madras, Susan Neiled Basu, CUP, Rochester;
  2. Politics and Social Conflicts of South India, Eugene F. Irschick;
  3. The Madura Country, J. H. Nelson, Madras Government (1868);
  4. Indigenous Society, Temples and the Early Colonial State in Tamilnadu (1700-1835), Kanakalatha;  
  5. Madras Pattinam, Narasaiah (Tamil);
  6. Dravida Iyakkam Punaivum Unmayum, Malarmannan (Tamil);
  7. Caste Politics in North, West and South India before Mandal: The Low Caste Movements between Sanskritization and Ethnicisation, Christophe Jaffrelot, Paris.

» Vedam Gopal is a retired company official with an interest in Tamil history, politics and society. His articles in Tamil appear on the Tamil Hindu website and Hindu Unity blog. This article was translated from Tamil to English by V. Ramachandran. 

Caste-based Reservations

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Logic behind the perversion of caste – Ram Swarup

Caste

Ram SwarupThe self-styled social justice intellectuals and parties do not want an India without castes, they want castes without Dharma. This may be profitable to some in the short run but it is suicidal for all in the long run. – Ram Swarup

Today casteism is rampant. It is a new phenomenon. Old India had castes but no casteism. In its present form, casteism is a construct of colonial period, a product of imperial policies and colonial scholarship. It was strengthened by the breast-beating of our own “reformers”. Today, it has acquired its own momentum and vested interests.

In the old days, the Hindu caste-system was an integrating principle. It provided economic security. One had a vocation as soon as one was born—a dream for those threatened with chronic unemployment. The system combined security with freedom; it provided social space as well as closer identity; here the individual was not atomised and did not become rootless. There was also no dearth of social mobility; whole groups of people rose and fell in the social scale. Rigidity about the old Indian castes is a myth. Ziegenbalg (1682 – 1719) writing on the eve of the British advent saw that at least one-third of the people practised other than their traditional calling and that “official and political functions, such as those of teachers, councillors, governors, priests, poets and even kings were not considered the prerogative of any particular group, but are open to all”.

Nor did India ever have such a plethora of castes as became the order of the day under the British rule. Megasthenes (ca. 300 BCE) gives us seven-fold division of the Hindu society; Hsuan Tsang (ca. 650 CE) the Chinese pilgrim mentions four castes. Alberuni (973 – 1048) too mentions four main castes and some more groups which did not strictly belong to the caste system.

Even the list of greatly maligned Manu contained no more than 40 mixed castes, all related by blood. Even the Chandals were Brahmins on their father’s side. But under the British, Risley (1851 – 1911) gave us 2,378 main castes, and 43 races! There is no count of sub-castes. Earlier, the 1891 census had already given us 1,150 sub-castes of Chamars alone. To Risley, every caste was also ideally a race and had its own language.

Caste did not strike early European writers as something specially Indian. They knew it in their own countries and saw it that way. J. S. Mill (1806 – 1873) in his Political Economy said that occupational groups in Europe were “almost equivalent to an hereditary distinction of caste”.

To these observers, the word caste did not have the connotation it has today. Gita Dharampal-Frick, an orientalist and linguist [currently at Heidelberg University], tells us that the early European writers on the subject used the older Greek word meri which means “a portion”, “share”, or “contribution”. Sebastian Franck (1499 – ca. 1543) used the German word rott (rotte) meaning a “social group”, or “cluster”. These words suggest that socially and economically speaking they found castes closer to each other than ordo or estates in Europe.

The early writers also saw no Brahmin domination though they found much respect for them. Those like Jurgen Andersen (1669) who described castes in Gujarat found that Vaishyas and not the Brahmins were the most important people there.

They also saw no sanskritisation. One caste was not trying to be another; it was satisfied with being itself. Castes were not trying to imitate the Brahmins to improve social status; they were proud of being what they were. There is a Tamil poem by Kamban (ca. 1180 – 1250) in praise of the plough which says that “even being born a Brahmin does not by far endow one with the same excellence as when one is born into a Vellala family”.

There was sanskritisation though but of a very different kind. People tried to become not Brahmins but brahmavadins. Different castes produced great saints revered by all. Ravidas (ca. 1450) a great saint, says that though of the family of Chamars who still go through Benares removing dead cattle, yet even most revered Brahmins now hold their offspring, namely himself, in great esteem.

With the advent of Islam the Hindu came under great pressure; it faced the problem of survival. When the political power failed castes took over; they became defence shields and provided resistance passive and active. But in the process, the system also acquired undesirable traits like untouchability. Alberuni who came with Mahmud Ghaznavi (971 – 1030) mentions the four castes but no untouchability. He reports that “much, however, as these classes differ from each other, they live together in the same towns and villages, mixed together in the same houses and lodgings”.

Another acquired another’s trait; they became rigid and lost their mobility. All mobility was now downward. H. A. Rose (1867 – 1933), Superintendent of Ethnography, Punjab, from 1901 to 1906, author of A Glossary of Punjab Tribes and Castes, says that during Muslim period, many Rajputs were degraded and they became scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Many of them still retain Rajput gotra of Parihara and Parimara. Similarly, G. W. Briggs in his The Chamars, tells us that many Chamars still carry names and gotra of Rajput clans like Banaudhiya, Ujjaini, Chandhariya, Sarwariya, Kanaujiya, Chauhan, Chadel, Saksena, Sakarwar; Bhardarauiya, and Bundela, etc. Dr K. S. Lal (1920 – 2002) cites many similar instances in his recent Growth of Scheduled Tribes and Castes in Medieval India.

The same is true of Bhangis. William Crooke (1848 – 1923) of Bengal Civil Service tells us that the “rise of the present Bhangi caste seems, from the names applied to the castes and its subdivisions, to date from the early period of Mohammedan rule”. Old Hindu literature mentions no Bhangis of present function. In traditional Hindu rural society, he was a corn-measurer, a village policeman, a custodian of village boundaries. But scavenging came along with the Muslim and British rule. Their numbers also multiplied. According to 1901 Census, the Bhangis were most numerous in the Punjab and the United Provinces which were the heartland of Muslim domination.

Then came the British who treated all Hindus equally—all as an inferior race—and fuelled their internal differences. They attacked Hinduism but cultivated the caste principle, two sides of the same coin. Hinduism had to be attacked. It gave India the principles of unity and continuity; it was also India’s definition at its deepest. It held together castes as well as the country. Take away Hinduism and the country was easily subdued.

Caste in old India was a cooperative and cultural principle; but it is now being turned into a principle of social conflict. In the old dispensation, castes followed dharma and its restraints; they knew how far they could go. But now a caste is a law unto itself; it knows no self-restraint except the restraint put on it by another class engaged in similar self-aggrandisement. The new self-styled social justice intellectuals and parties do not want an India without castes, they want castes without Dharma. This may be profitable to some in the short run but it is suicidal for all in the long run.

In the old days, castes had leaders who represented the culture of the land, Who were natural leaders of their people and were organic to them. But now a different leadership is coming to the fore: rootless, demagogic and ambitious, which uses caste slogans for self-aggrandisement. – The Indian Express, 13 September 1996

» Ram Swarup (1920–1998) was a Sankhya philosopher, yogi, and colleague of historian Sita Ram Goel. Together they founded the publishing imprint Voice of India in New Delhi, to give Hindu intellectuals a voice when the mainstream media refused to give them any time or space .

Glossary of the Tribes and Castes

Where is the Brahmin, seeker of the highest truth? – Makarand Paranjape

Brahmin

Prof Makarand R. ParanjapeIndia is filled not only with Brahmin-baiters and Brahmin-haters, but also of brainwashed and de-brahminised Hindus. … The main strategy is to ascribe all the evils not only of the caste system but of Hinduism itself to “Brahminism.” – Prof Makarand Paranjape

No right-thinking Indian can justify the ancient régime of varna vyastha, whose injustices, inequalities, and indignities have survived into our own times. Yet, arguably, it is caste, not ideology, that is still the driving force in Indian society and politics. This contradiction of repudiation-reification makes us pose the moot question, “Has the Brahmin disappeared from India?”

Some 20 years ago, Saeed Naqvi, in The Last Brahmin Prime Minister of India, conferred that dubious distinction on P. V. Narasimha Rao. Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s ascension to the august office proved Naqvi wrong. Rani Sivasankara Sarma’s autobiographical account in Telugu, The Last Brahmin, published soon after Naqvi’s, also asks similar questions, though from a socio-religious, rather than political, standpoint.

I was startled to learn that on his last visit to India in 1985, the great philosopher and teacher Jiddu Krishnamurti raised the same question in his conversation with Professor P. Krishna at Rajghat, Varanasi (A Jewel on a Silver Platter: Remembering Jiddu Krishnamurti by Padmanabhan Krishna). Krishnamurti is quick to clarify that “Brahmin” is “Not by birth, sir, that is so childish!” As the conversation unfolds, Krishnamurti narrates a story to illustrate.

After defeating Porus, Alexander is impressed by the efficiency of the former’s administration. Alexander hears that the person responsible, Porus’s Brahmin Prime Minister, has left the capital after the loss. Sending after him, Alexander is further surprised at the Brahmin’s refusal to call on him. Deciding to visit him instead, Alexander asks, “I am so impressed with your abilities. Will you work for me?” “Sorry,” says the Brahmin, “I must teach these children; I no longer wish to serve emperors.”

Krishnamurti’s tale is a variation of the story of Alexander the Great and the Stoic. The latter refuses to give up philosophy even in face of the monarch’s threats or blandishments; clearly, this story has both Greek and Indian versions. Krishnamurti concludes: “That’s a Brahmin—you can’t buy him. Now tell me, Sir, has the Brahmin disappeared from this country?”

In thus defining a Brahmin, Krishnamurti is following a tradition as old as the Buddha. In Canto 26 of the Dhammapada titled, “Who is a Brahmin,” the Tathagata says, “who is devoid of fear and free from fetters, him I call a Brahmin.” Verse after verse clarifies, enumerates, and explains the qualities: “He who is contemplative, lives without passions, is steadfast and has performed his duties, who is free from sensuous influxes and has attained the highest goal—him I call a Brahmin” (386). “Not by matted hair, by lineage, nor by birth (caste) does one become a Brahmin. But the one in whom there abide truth and righteousness, he is pure; he is a Brahmin” (393).

Traditionally, those born in the Brahmin jati were supposed to aspire to and espouse such high ideals, whether Vedic or Buddhist. But in these contentious times, the Buddha’s words themselves have been politicised. There are many “modern” translations of the Dhammapada where the word “Brahmin” has been removed completely. The Vedas, of course, are rejected altogether for being “Brahminical.” The object is clearly to attack, denigrate, and destroy the abstract category called “Brahmin.”

Often, the main strategy is to ascribe all the evils not only of the caste system but of Hinduism itself to “Brahminism.” Actually, the latter word was invented by Orientalists to refer to the worship of “Brahman” in contra-distinction to the Buddha, which was called Buddhism. The rule of Brahmins, though there was possibly never such a thing in actual Indian history, should more properly be termed “Brahminarchy”, a term no one uses. Much misinterpretation has also entered our own languages through the back translation of “Brahminism” as “Brahmanvad.” The latter is understood as the ideology of Brahmin domination promoting a hierarchical and exclusionary social system.

Maharaja NandakumarThe history of anti-Brahminism should not, however, be traced to Phule, Periyar, or even Ambedkar, who were all trying to reform rather than destroy Hindu society. The real culprit was more likely British imperialism. If the Muslim invaders tried to annihilate the Kshatriyas, the British attempted to finish off the Brahmins. After the East India Company assumed the overlordship of Bengal, their first execution was of “Maharaja” Nandakumar, a leading Brahmin opponent of the Governor-General, Warren Hastings. On 5 August 1775, Nandakumar was hanged for forgery, a capital crime under British law. But how was such a law applicable to India?

Macaulay, though an imperialist, called the execution a judicial murder. He accused Elijah Impey, the first Chief Justice of the Calcutta Supreme Court, of colluding with Hastings.

The hanging of Nandakumar took place near what is now the Vidyasagar Setu. The entire Hindu population shunned the British, moving to the other bank of the river, to protest against British injustice and to avoid the pollution caused by the act.

Today, India is filled not only with Brahmin-baiters and Brahmin-haters, but also of brainwashed and de-brahminised Hindus. My own university, JNU, is full of pamphlets and posters against Brahminism, one even blaming “Brahminical patriarchy” for the disappearance of Najeeb Ahmed, who went missing on 15 October 2016. Anti-Brahminism, however, is never considered hate-crime or hate-speech. Why? Don’t Brahmins have human feelings or rights? Brahmins, moreover, are soft targets, scripturally and culturally enjoined not to retaliate. As the Dhammapada (389) puts it, “One should not strike a Brahmin; neither should a Brahmin give way to anger against him who strikes.”

Is it time intellectually to re-arm Brahmins so that they maintain both their own dignity and the veneration of their inherited calling? Does the ideal of the Brahmin continue to be relevant to India, whether we define a Brahmin as one who cannot be bought, a seeker of the highest truth, or a teacher and guide? Shouldn’t such a person, regardless of the jati she or he is born in, continue to be a beacon of light and leadership? As to those born into the community, they may well remember the Kanchi Paramacharya’s sage advice: Fulfill the responsibilities but do not expect the privileges of your birth. – Swarajya, 6 January 2017

» Prof Makarand Paranjape is an author and teaches English at JNU, New Delhi. 

Brahmin & Moghul

See also

Scheduled Castes vs. Caste Hindus: About a colonial distinction and its legal impact – Jakob De Roover

CasteDr Jakob De RooverThe leaders and intellectuals of post-colonial India not only succumbed to the colonial account of “the caste system,” but also accepted the social divisions among the people of India created by British legislation. – Prof Dr Jakob De Roover

Jakob De Roover of Ghent University here published today an insightful paper, “Scheduled Castes vs. Caste Hindus About a Colonial Distinction and Its Legal Impact.” We excerpt from his conclusion:

Today, commentators often react with indignation when one points out the anomalies confronting the classical account of the caste system. Worse, questioning this orthodoxy and its hackneyed claims about “the plight of the Dalits” is often equated to denying the existence of injustice in Indian society. The fact that there are groups in Indian society much poorer and more deprived than others is not in doubt. Neither is the fact that members of some jatis treat members of other jatis in unethical and inhumane ways. However, the point is that these situations and events cannot be coherently conceptualized in terms of “the caste system” and its oppression of “the Untouchables” or “Dalits.”

The idea that there are two distinct categories or groups in Indian society—namely, Caste Hindus and Scheduled Castes—never described its social structure. No common characteristics are available that allow(ed) one to recognize these as two communities or categories across India. Thus, no empirical investigation could show that they existed in the Indian social world. Since this distinction is flawed, it cannot offer a stable foundation for legislation that aims to address injustice in Indian society. In fact, the available facts indicate that the laws providing caste-based benefits fail to pass the Supreme Court’s test of reasonable classification: there appear to be no intelligible differentiae that distinguish all the persons grouped together as Scheduled Castes from others excluded from that group.

Indeed, the class of Scheduled Castes exists, but only in the Indian legal and political system. Through their caste policies and censuses, the British spread the idea that “Hindu society” was characterized by an opposition between Caste Hindus and Untouchables. Thus, in spite of the recurring discovery that this distinction failed, it could not but have its effects in a society under colonial rule. The crucial step came in the Government of India Act of 1935 and its caste schedules. Eventually, the Government of India (Scheduled Castes) Order of 1936 ordered that “the castes, races or tribes, or parts of or groups within castes, races or tribes specified in Parts I to IX of the Schedule to this Order shall, in the Provinces to which those Parts respectively relate, be deemed to be scheduled castes so far as regards members thereof resident in the localities specified in relation to them respectively in those Parts of that Schedule.”

Strikingly, the leaders and intellectuals of post-colonial India not only succumbed to the colonial account of “the caste system,” but also accepted the social divisions among the people of India created by British legislation. It is as though they felt compelled to transform the tenuous distinctions inherent to the colonial account into existing social divisions in India. The King’s Excellent Majesty, Edward VIII, had ordered how the people of India should be divided into Scheduled Castes and others. After 1947, Indian political and intellectual elites began to enforce this royal decree in their country. This is the work that the caste legislation of contemporary India continues unto this day. – Hinduism Today, 15 January 2016

See the original article HERE

» Prof Jakob De Roover is an assistant professor at the Department of Comparative Science of Cultures, Ghent University, Belgium.

Vivekananda Quote

Caste is a socio-political institution – Sandhya Jain

Mayawati's one crore rupee garland

Sandhya Jain is the editor of Vijayvaani.Caste is too complex to be tackled by simple bans. Also, blatant appeals to religion, caste and other parochial loyalties have always been prohibited and there is no dispute regarding the Supreme Court’s attempt to lift politics above narrow identities. However, … not one word of criticism has been ever uttered when the Catholic Church repeatedly exhorts citizens to vote in a particular way in States where the community has a substantial presence. – Sandhya Jain

Almost coinciding with the Election Commission of India’s announcement of dates for elections to five State Assemblies, the Supreme Court’s interpretation of Section 123(3) of the Representation of People’s Act (RPA) in Abhiram Singh v/s C.D. Comachen (dead) by Lrs and Ors. (Civil Appeal No. 37/1992) seems destined to be honoured more in the breach. The Supreme Court ruled that politicians cannot invoke religion, race, caste, community or language to seek a mandate from voters, and that such practice would result in annulment of the election.

The day after the ruling and before the ECI announcement of dates, which kicks in the model code of conduct, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) leader Mayawati addressed a press conference wherein she advised Muslims not to split their votes (between non-BJP parties) and added that her Scheduled Caste vote-bank would not be swayed by hollow promises (from rival parties).

In this manner, caste and religion, the cornerstones of our electoral politics since 1947, were matter-of-factly invoked by India’s most openly caste-based political party (BSP was founded by late Kanshi Ram to consolidate lower caste votes). The party is struggling to stay in the reckoning in the critical state of Uttar Pradesh, where elections are due next month.

Mayawati helpfully explained her political sums: The Samajwadi Party is on the verge of a split, so Muslims should not divide and waste their vote on either segment. Despite making such explicit statements, she denied Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s charge that she believes in caste-based politics and claimed that the BSP has distributed tickets to all castes based on the concept of Sarvjan Hitaya (well-being of all). Thus, Muslims have been allotted 97 tickets, Scheduled Castes 87, OBCs 106, and Upper Castes 113. Mayawati added that the BSP has supported finance-based reservations for upper castes, Muslims, and other religious minorities in Parliament.

The BSP intends to exploit emotive caste issues such as the suicide of Hyderabad student Rohit Vemula, whose caste identity has been a matter of dispute between his biological parents; and the undeniably shameful incident of [beating] of Dalits in Una, Gujarat. The BSP supremo disparaged the Prime Minister’s launch of the Bharat Interface for Money (BHIM) App, named after Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar, to promote cashless transactions, and remains critical of the demonetisation programme.

The Bharatiya Janata Party proposes to fight the polls on the twin planks of demonetisation and the post-Uri surgical strike in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir – both emotive and highly secular subjects with no caste connotations. Its rivals are expected to be dismissive of both.

Of all political parties, the BSP is emphatic that caste is a socio-political institution with deep roots in the hoary origins of Hindu society; it admits that economic deprivation is not co-terminus with caste ranking. It is undeniable that low social ranking has caused deep scars in society; even monotheistic faiths discriminate against lower caste converts.

Beginning with untouchability, many social, economic and cultural issues have a pronounced caste angle and cannot be addressed without acknowledging caste. This is evident in recent demands for extension of Other Backward Classes (OBC) quotas to landowning, regionally-dominant castes, most notably Jats in Rajasthan and Haryana, and Patidars in Gujarat. Each agitation was deliberately violent and posed serious challenges to the respective States.

Legitimate or otherwise, the demands were framed around the issue of caste identity and deprivation, and mitigation efforts (offers of reservations within State quotas, mostly unsuccessful) have to be framed in the same language. If persons contesting elections are denied the right to address citizens’ concerns regarding perceived injustices faced by them and originating in religion, race, caste, community or language, it would “reduce democracy to an abstraction,” as Justice D. Y. Chandrachud pointed out in the dissenting judgment.

The issue of reservations in educational institutions and government employment are at the heart of the politicisation of caste but has not been touched in the Supreme Court verdict; yet it threatens to cancel elections if votes are sought in the name of caste.

Reservations in educational institutions, especially in coveted courses like medicine and engineering, include lowering qualifying standards. Students are pushed by ambitious parents to take admission but cannot manage the academic pressure; they either fail or even commit suicide. The seat for that term thus goes waste. But there is no rethinking regarding the worth of a degree (if finally secured) if the doctor or engineer it produces is not good enough.

Worse, in recent years, the Supreme Court has ruled that seats for which reservation quotas cannot be filled in a particular year are to be carried over the next year, and not released into general quota. This has intensified caste tensions in society like no other measure. The position is similar with government jobs, and these issues have made reservations a ticking time bomb.

The nomenclature of parties like the Akali Dal and All India Muslim League is possibly the least of the problems, for innocuously named parties like the Popular Front of India are far more lethal. But parties that seek to redress regional pride such as the Telugu Desam founded by cine star N. T. Rama Rao, or seek a separate state, such as K. Chandrashekar Rao’s Telangana Rashtra Samithi, also become illegitimate under this sweeping interpretation of electoral malpractice. It makes free speech virtually impossible.

This raises questions regarding the enforceability of the Supreme Court ruling. Although Mayawati’s press conference was covered live on television, neither the Supreme Court, senior lawyers, or any political party deigned to censure her breach of judicial diktat. Prime Minister Modi, at a huge rally in Lucknow, only said, “Will politics stoop so low? Why were some people troubled when we launch a mobile app after Bhimrao Ambedkar?”

Caste is too complex to be tackled by simple bans. Also, blatant appeals to religion, caste and other parochial loyalties have always been prohibited and there is no dispute regarding the Supreme Court’s attempt to lift politics above narrow identities. However, though the RPA specifically bans inducing voter(s) to choose or reject a particular candidate under spiritual or community censure, not one word of criticism has been ever uttered when the Catholic Church repeatedly exhorts citizens to vote in a particular way in States where the community has a substantial presence. Such issues raise legitimate fears that the ruling may be implemented by cherry picking rather than by a reasoned understanding of what constitutes genuine electoral malpractice. – Vijayvaani, 10 January 2017

» Sandhya Jain is an author, independent researcher, and writer of political and contemporary affairs. She contributes a fortnightly column to The Pioneer, New Delhi, and edits an online opinions forum at www.vijayvaani.com.

Reservation

Why Mayawati will never abolish caste – R. Jagannathan

Mayawati's one crore rupee garland

R. JagannathanMayawati is not trying to abolish caste; what she is trying to do is build a political super-caste by latching on to atrocities on Dalits and developing a larger tale of common victimhood that will make her powerful. – R. Jagannathan

Anybody who believes that Mayawati is protesting against the uncouth remarks made by Dayashankar Singh, or that the Dalit anger is about nothing but this insult and other atrocities perpetrated against them elsewhere, is missing the wood for trees. And to those pious “liberals” who think abolition of caste is something only the Brahminical Sangh leadership is opposed to, one can only say how little they understand human proclivities.

Let us be clear: caste tensions cannot be abolished. You can annihilate caste, as Ambedkar would have wanted, through extreme coercion and violence, but what you will get after this annihilation is another form of identity and differentiation that will again have tension in-built into it.‎ You may not call it caste, but ethnic, racial, religious and linguistic differentiation will exist. So trying to abolish caste by achieving some kind of uniform identity is impossible. People from the Buddha to Mahavira to Vivekananda to Ambedkar to Gandhi to Kanshi Ram to Periyar to the Communists have attempted it – and failed.

Dayashankar SinghMayawati is not trying to abolish caste; what she is trying to do is build a political super-caste by latching on to atrocities on Dalits and developing a larger tale of common victimhood that will make her powerful. This is no different from Muslim parties trying to build another powerful agglomeration, and the Sangh to build an overarching Hindu narrative. The Communists try and do this on the basis of class, but caste and religion offer better options for building common narratives than class, which tends to be fluid. Castes too were fluid once upon time, but the British tendency to slot people into boxes of identity and post-Independence electoral realities have ensured that castes have become more rigid than before.

Caste can wither away under the pressures of urbanisation and modernisation but can never be abolished through social action alone. The reason for this is simple: it is fundamental to human existence next only to biological imperatives like the need for food or sex. ‎

What is caste? It is a system of differentiation that allows human beings to decide who constitutes “us” and who is “not-us” or “them”. All systems based on the “us and them” narrative will ultimately degenerate into “us” thinking about “them” as somehow inferior, leading to the ultimate demonisation of the other.

If we didn’t have caste, we would use other markers to separate “us” from “them”. Why else would Muslims want to think of themselves as superior to non-Muslims, and why would Sunnis think of Shias and Ahmadiyas and Bahais as despicable, and so on, despite all of them believing in Allah and his Prophet? Is this not just another form of caste discrimination, even though caste is indeed different?

If, one day, we annihilate not only caste, but religious, ethnic, racial, and linguistic differentiation, we would still discriminate on the basis of which football club or IPL team we support.

So, rest assured, Mayawati is not trying to decry caste. She needs caste more than anybody else, for that’s all she has got. This is why when the BJP immediately tried to undo the damage done by Dayashankar by sacking him and expelling him from the party, Mayawati upped the ante and said she would have accepted this action as genuine if the BJP itself had filed an FIR against him and arrested him. And when her supporters threatened Dayashankar’s wife and daughter, far from apologising for the language of misogyny used by them, Mayawati said Dayashankar’s wife should have condemned her husband.

Dalit with Bahujan Samaj Party Flag‎In other words, Mayawati upped her demands every time they were met. This is not someone who is fighting casteism, but someone who is revelling in her caste identity and playing up victimhood for power and electoral gain.

The larger point is all the critics of caste tend to see caste in a unidimensional way, as a system of oppression. It is much more than that. It is kinship and social capital too. Critics of caste are on the wrong track. And political critics are empty vessels making all the noise. They like to use caste as a stick to beat their political opponents and also to demonise other castes, but they have gotten nowhere. The Communists did not abolish caste (show me one Dalit in the top rungs of any Communist party), the OBC parties did not abolish caste, the DK/DMK parties did not abolish caste, the Congress did not abolish caste, and even the Dalits are never going to abolish caste. Nor will the BJP do so, though it has the most to gain from a Hindu consolidation.

Caste will wither away when it is no longer useful to anybody, or to most people, but that day is far away. Right now caste is useful to everybody – to the ordinary individual, since it is a form of social capital, and to the political parties, as it helps mobilise voters to press the right EVM buttons. Ask Mayawati. There is a spring in her step, now that she has been insulted by the “upper caste BJP”. When she was ignored, she was in the dumps.

Caste may ultimately wither away, but in the short-term the best thing we can do is learn some political correctness, and ensure that it never results in violence. Fantasies about abolishing caste are just that: they will just drive discrimination underground. – Swarajya, 23 July 2016

» R. Jagannathan is a senior journalist and the editorial director of Swarajya Magazine.

Mayawati

 

 

Caste discrimination within the Indian Church – The Hindu

Dalits for Equal Rights in Churches

Dalit Christians protest against caste discrimination in the ChurchThough Dalits account for more than 50% of total population of Catholics, they have not been given any important posts in Church administration. – The Hindu

Conversion from Hinduism to other religions, it is generally argued, is to escape the untouchability and caste-based discrimination inherent in Hinduism. Christianity, however, is not able to eradicate untouchability, and casteism continues to dominate both the Protestant and Catholic Church even though Dalits form the majority of the Christian population in Tamil Nadu.

Thadam Thedi, a pilot report on the status of Dalit Christians in Catholic Church, says though Dalits account for 22,40,726 of the total population of 39,64,360 Catholics, they have not been given any important posts in Church administration. Of the 18 Archbishops in Tamil Nadu, only two are Dalits.

G. Mathew, one of members of the committee that prepared the report, said in many churches, Dalits have separate cemetery and funeral carts and are not allowed to use the common road leading to the church.

Madurai bishop & black flag protest against caste discrimination within the Church (11 August 2010)Rituals prevented

In some churches, the body of Dalits are not allowed for rituals.

“Dalits in Punnaivanam, Rayappanpatti, Chithalacheri, Hanumanthanpatti, Pullampadi, Poondi and Eraiyur are fighting for their rights. Even the internationally renowned Velankannai Basilica is not an exception to the trend. The conflict in Eraiyur in Villupuram led to police firing in 2008 and now we have resolved the issue,” said Mr. Mathew, a native of the village.

‘Attracted by faith’

Fr John Suresh of Dalit Viduthalai Peravai argued that it was incorrect to say that Dalits converted to Christianity only to escape casteism and for the benefits that came with the conversion. “They are attracted by the faith. Christianity allowed them to stand on the pulpit and preach,” he contended.

He also admitted that casteism had pervaded the socio-cultural fabric of the Indian society and Christianity also had to make compromise with Brahminism.

“As a native of India, they seem to be baptised in the name of caste. In India, we have not understood the soul of Christianity,” Fr Suresh argued.

Fr Jagath Gasper Raj from South Tamil Nadu said it was incorrect to say that there was complete discrimination against Dalits in the Church though the caste mindset had its presence in the Church too.

“The Church gave them a voice and a space for their upward mobility,” he contended. – The Hindu, 6 June 2016Caste segregated Christian graveyard in Tamil Nadu